47 夏會于成紀來諮謀齊難也 松大閱簡車馬也 吾甲兵以武臨之彼則懼而協以謀我故難間也漢東之國隨爲大隨張必棄小國小國離楚之利也少師 請羸師以張之能率且比日季梁在何益鬭伯比日以爲後圖少師得其君王軍而納少師少師請追楚 師隨侯將許之季槊止之日天方授楚楚之贏其誘我也君何急焉臣聞小之能敵大也小道大淫所謂道思 於民而信於神也上思利民忠也祝史正辭信也今民餒而君逞欲祝史矯舉以祭臣不知其可也公曰吾牲 拴肥循粢盛豐備何則不信對日夫民神之主也是以聖王先成民而後致力於神故奉牲以告日博碩肥腫 謂民力之普存也謂其音之碩大蕃滋也謂其不疾疾蠡也謂其備循咸有也奉盛以告日絜粢豐盛謂其三 時不害而民和年豐也奉酒醴以告日嘉栗旨酒謂其上下皆有嘉德而無違心也所謂馨香無讒慝也故務 其三時脩其五教親其九族以致其禋祀於是乎民和而神降之福故動則有成今民各有心而鬼神乏主君 獨豐其何福之有君姑脩政而親兄弟之國庶免于難隨侯懼而脩政楚不敢 北戎伐齊齊侯使乞師于鄭鄭犬子忽帥師救齊六月大敗戎師獲其二帥大艮少耳甲首三百以獻於齊 命奔齊之急而受室以歸是以師也民其謂我何遂辭諸鄭伯 九月丁卯子同生以大子生之禮舉之接以大牢卜士負之士妻食之公與文姜宗婦命之公問名於申耦對 日名有五有信有義有象有假有類以名生爲信以德命爲義以類命爲象取於物爲假取於背爲類不以國 能。求 告命冬命其 其不廢廢廢則牲山名諱以牲不不 不 生可二司司廢則川以之諱不以以 日也以山空徒禮廢則官故 成來同,與命是先宋晉廢則以神器 于朝 吾公以君以以以主廢國名 山 物,是物武公侯幣音以廢將人音川 齊請 同日大獻武僖器以職則終周 VI. 1 In the [duke's sixth year, in spring, in the first month, 2 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke had a meeting 3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jin-woo, [the duke] held a grand military review. 4 The people of Ts'ae put to death T'o of Ch'in. 5 6 In the ninth month, on [the day] Ting-maou, the [duke's] son, T'ung, was born. In winter, the marquis of Ke came to [our] court. Par. 1. According to all the three Chuen, this is a continuation of the last par. in last year. Tso-she says:-'In the spring, he came from Ts'aou to the court of Loo. The text intimates that he did not return again to his own State.' In this way, for good,' and Too Yu defines it by. Kung and Kuh explain it by and, this man.' Ch'ing E and Hoo Gan-kwo, however, suppose that Shih was the name of the duke of Chow. A prince, living, ought not to be called by his name, but this poor duke, a fugitive from his State, never to return to it, was in his princely character as good as dead, and might be named. The K'ang-he editors say both views are to be preserved. The point is one of trivial importance. [There is appended here in the Chuen the following narrative:-King Woo of Ts'oo [this viscount of Ts'oo had usurped the title of 'king'] burst suddenly into Suy, and sent Wei Chang to beg that Ts'oo and Suy might be on good terms with each other, meanwhile waiting with his army at Hea for intelligence. The court of Suy sent Shaou-sze [; this is evidently the name of an office; but nothing can be ascertained about it. I have therefore followed the example of the Leeh-kwoh Che which calls the phrase the name of the marquis of Suy's favourite] to manage the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Tow Pih-pe said to the viscount of Ts'oo, That we have not got our will on the east of the Han is all owing to ourselves. We have displayed our three armies, our men all equipt with their buff coats and weapons, and so we have presented ourselves to the States in all our power. They have been afraid, therefore, and have united together to provide against our designs. It is this which makes it difficult to separate them. Of the States east of the Han Suy is the greatest. Let Suy once be elated, and then it will spurn the smaller States, which will become alienated from it;—this will be to the advantage of Ts'oo. This Shaou-sze is a vain extravagant man; let us inflate him by making our army appear as if it were weak." Heung Leuh-tseu-pe said, "While Ke Leang is in Suy, of what use will this be?" Tow Pih-pe replied, "It will serve as a basis for future measures;-Shaou-sze is his prince's favourite." The king, according to Pih-pe's counsel, gave his army a dilapidated appearance, and then received Shaou-sze, who on his return to Suy requested leave to pursue the army of T300. The marquis was about to grant it, when Ke Leang stopt him saying, "Heaven is now giving power to Ts'oo. Its exhibition of weakness was only made to deceive us. Why, O ruler, be so hasty? I have heard that the condition in which a small State can match with a great one, is when the small one is ruled according to reason, and the great one is abandoned to wild excess. What I mean by being ruled according to reason, is showing a loyal love for the people, and a faithful worship of the Spirits. When the ruler thinks only of benefiting the people, that is loyal loving of them; when the priests' Now our people are famishing, and the prince words are all correct, that is faithful worship. indulges his desires; the priests are hypocrites in their sacrifices:-I do not know whether there is the condition of success." The marquis said, 'My victims are the best, and well fatted; the millet in the vessels is good and all complete;-where is there any want of sincerity?" Ke Leang replied, “The state of the people is what the Spirits regard. The sage kings therefore first secured the welfare of the people, and then put forth their strength in serving the Spirits. Thus when they presented their victims, and announced them as large and fat, they meant that the people's strength was all preserved; that to this was owing the large growth of the animals; that to this was owing their freedom from scab or itch; that to this it was owing they were so fat, and amply sufficient. When they presented their vessels of millet, and announced it as clean and abundant, they meant that in all the three seasons no harm was done to the cause of husbandry; that the people were harmonious, and the years good. When they presented their distilled and sweet spirits, and announced them as admirable, strong, and good, they meant that superiors and inferiors were all of admirable virtue, and their hearts in nothing inclined to perverseness; what was termed the widely diffused fragrance was really that there were no slanderers nor wicked men. In this way it was that they exerted themselves that the labours of the three seasons should be performed; they cultivated and inculcated the five great duties of society; they cherished and promoted the affection that should exist among the nine classes of kindred: and from this they proceeded to their pure sacrifices. Thus their people were harmonious, and the Spirits sent down blessings, so that every movement they undertook was successful. Now the people's hearts are all at variance, and the Spirits have no lord [i. e., none whom they will serve, and serve by blessing]. Although you as an individual may be liberal in your acts of worship, what blessing can that bring? I pray you to cultivate good government, and be friendly with the States of your brother princes; then perhaps you will escape calamity." 'The marquis of Suy was afraid, and attended properly to his duties of government; and Ts'oo did not dare to attack him.'"] Par. 2. Tso says the marquis of Ke came to this meeting to consult with Loo about his difficulties with Ts'e. The in the text is ed the army of the Jung, the marquis of Ts'e again asked him to take another of his daughters to wife, but again he firmly refused. Being asked the reason, he said, "Formerly when I had had nothing to do in Ts'e, I still did not dare to marry one of its princesses. Now I hurried here by our ruler's order to succour Ts'e in its exigency; if I returned from it with a wife, it would be as if I had won her by arms." In this way he declined the alliance on the ground of wanting the earl of Ch‘ing's command.' Tso-she seems to have forgotten here that he had already narrated the marriage of Hwuh of Ch'ing to a daughter of the house of Ch'in, under I.viii. 3. The marquis of Ts'e would hardly have offered one of his daughters to fill a secondary place in Hwuh's harem.] Par.3. 閱簡車馬 to examine the chariots and horses. This was an annual ceremony, to which the winter hunt was subsidiary. See the Chow Le, Bk. XXIX., pp. 24-34. Many of the critics think that the holding this review, as here, in the 8th month in autumn, was unseasonable, and that it is recorded to condemn it. But the duke might easily have had reasons sufficient to justify him for holding such a re view at this time. Par. 4. Tso-she has no Chuen here, but we find what serves for one under the 22d year of duke Chwang. We have seen, under V.1, that T'o had killed the eldest son of the marquis of Chin, and superseded him. But that son's younger brother was a son of a princess of Ts'ae, and in his interest Ts'ae now did justice on T'o. To had not yet been recognized as marquis of Chin, and therefore we have simply his name, without his title. I have translated from Kuh-lëang. Tso and Kung both read people of Ts'ae,' after the analogy of which makes Too give the situation differently from that of the other in I.v. 3;-90 le north-east from pres. dis. city of Ning-yang. [The Chuen has here:-The northern Jung had invaded Ts'e, which sent to ask the assistance of a force from Ch'ing. Hwuh, the eldest son of the earl of Ch'ing, led a force accordingly to the help of Ts'e, and inflicted a great defeat on the Jung, capturing their two leaders, Taeleang and Shaou-leang, whom he presented to the marquis with the heads of 300 of their buffcoated warriors. At that time the great officers of many of the princes were keeping guard in Ts'e, and the marquis supplied them with cattle, employing the officers of Loo to arrange the order of distribution. These placed the troops of Ching last, which made Hwuh indignant, considering that his had been the merit of the victory; and it gave rise to the battle of Lang [see the 10th year]. by the in I.iv.6,7. Kuh and Kung account for his death at the hands of some people of Ts'ae by saying that he had intruded into the territory of Ts'ae in hunting or for a worse purpose, and was killed in a quarrel about a bird or a woman. Their Chuen, however, where matters of history_are concerned, are not to be compared with Tsoshe's. Par. 5. Tso-she tells us that this entry of T'ung's birth intimates that he was received with all the honours proper to the birth of a son and heir; that an ox, a sheep, and a pig were sacrificed on the occasion; that an officer of divination carried him on his back, and his wife nursed him; and that the duke, with the child's mother, Wan Keang, and the wives of the duke's noble kindred, gave him his name. This last ceremony took place on the 3d month after the birth. Tso-she adds:-The duke asked Shin Seu about names, who replied "Names are taken from five things:-some pre-intimation; some auspice of virtue; some striking appearance about the child; the borrowing the name of some object; or some similarity. When a child is born with a name on it, that is a pre-in timation [a character, such as 友, may seem 'Before the duke of Loo had married the daughter of Ts'e, the marquis had wished to marry her-Wan Keang-to Hwuh; but he had refused the match. Some one asked the reason of his refusal, when he replied, "People should be equally matched. A daughter of Ts'e is too great a match for me. The ode says, 'For himself he seeks much happiness (She, III. i. 1. 6).' to be made by some marks on the body, and so is I have to do with what depends on myself taken as the name]; when a child is named from simply; what have I to do with a great State?" some virtue, this is called an auspice [Ch'ang, A superior man will say that Hwuh did well the name of king Wăn, is an instance in point]; in thus making himself the centre of his plan when it is named from some resemblance about of life. On this occasion, when he had defeat-it to something, this is called naming from the appearance [Confucius was so named Ne-k'ëw | ed in Tsin. So with duke Woo of Sung and the (尼丘)]; when it is named from some ob- title of minister of Works (司空). Our ject, this is called borrowing [the name of Con- former dukes Heen [called] and Woo fucius' son Pih-yu (魚, (the fish') is an inBtance]; when the name is taken from something | about the father, this is called a name from similarity [see below]. The name must not be taken from the name of the State; or of an office; or of a mountain or river; or of any malady; or of an animal; or of a utensil, or of a ceremonial offering. The people of Chow do not use the name which they bore in serving the Spirits of the dead; and the name is not mentioned after death. To take the name from the State would do away with the State's name; one from an office would do away with the office; one from a hill or stream would do away with the sacrifice to it; one from an animal would do away with its use as a victim; one from a utensil or a ceremonial offering would do away with its use in ceremonies. The name of the marquis He of Tsin [he was called made the title of minister of Instruction (E) be discontinu [called 敖) caused two hills to lose their names. Therefore the names of such great objects and offices must not be given to a child." The duke said, "Well, his birth and mine were on the same day." So, from that similarity, the child was named Tung [the Similar].’ As this is the only instance in the classic in which the birth of a Son of any of the marquises of Loo is chronicled, there is much speculation as to the reason of the entry here. Some think it is a clear case of the pencil of the sage, who would thus show that duke Chwang was really the son of the marquis of Loo, and not the fruit of the incestuous commerce which his mother subsequently indulged in! Par. 6. Tso-she says this visit from the marquis of Ke was to beg the services of the duke to ask the king's order to bring about peace between Ke and Ts'e, but that the duke told him he could do nothing in the matter. VII. 1 In his seventh year, in spring, in the second month, on Ke-hae, the duke hunted with fire in Heen-këw. 2 In summer, Suy, earl of Kuh, caine to [our] court. 3 Woo-le, marquis of Tăng, came to [our] court. Par. 1. Hëen-këw was a district, and pro- | Hoo-pih. Tăng was not far from Kuh, an bably the name of a town in it, belonging to = Loo;–somewhere in dep. of Yen-chow. 焚 here 火田,‘to hunt with fire.' This appears in the Urh-ya as another name for the winter hunting(火田為狩). The object in using fire was to drive the birds and animals from their coverts. Too says the record is made here to condemn the duke for his wantonness in carrying on the operation, so that nothing should escape. But this does not appear in the text; and the Chuen has nothing on the par. Parr. 2, 3. Kuh was a marquisate, with the surname Ying () ), and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Kuh-shing, dep. Söang-yang, place it in pres. Tăng Chow, dep. Nan-yang, earldom with the surname Man (曼). Some Ho-nan; others find its principal city, 20 le north-east of the dep. city of Seang-yang in Hoo-pih. But the two identifications need not clash. What brought these two distant lords to Loo we cannot tell. Tso-she says they are mentioned by name in contempt; but we may find a better reason in a rule of the Le Ke, I. Pt. II.ii. 21, that princes who had lost their States were mentioned by name. The supposition that the princes in the text were in this condition adequately explains their coming all the long way from their former fiefs to Loo. Nothing that occurred in autumn or winter is | Ch'ing also found it difficult to do so], and here entered. See what has been said upon afterwards broke them. In autumn, an army this, on the 4th year. of Ch'ing, an army of Ts'e, and an army of Wei invaded Măng and Hëang, when the king removed their inhabitants to Këah.' [Tso-she appends here two short Chuen:•Măng and Heang sought terms of peace from Ch'ing [these are two of the places mentioned in one of the Chuen under I. xi. 3, as granted by Chow to Ching. It was there said that Chow ‘In winter, the earl of Këuh-yuh inveigled the child-marquis of Tsin, and put him to could not keep them, and it would appear that | death.’] Eighth year. 王祭*冬秋烝夏睞 天記 后公十伐 糺。遂 ○冬主命虢仲立晉哀侯之弟緡于晉 祭公來遂逆王后於紀禮也 VIII. 1 4 逆雪。 日天去其疾矣隨未可克也乃盟 少敗日,右日 丹也。敗,必 楚獲弗偏左、 其從敗,無 怒 春正月 我而怠寇也少師謂隨侯日必速戰 戎戰與之隋 車,於 與速 遇楚日後隨 且師必戰, 伯戎隨少攻季速所於鹿讐 晉。還比右師師其梁戰以漢黃 In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the first month, on Ke-maou, we offered the winter sacrifice. 2 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Këa Foo to Loo with friendly inquiries. 3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Ting-ch'ow, we offered the winter sacrifice. In autumn, we invaded Choo. 5 In winter, in the tenth month, there was snow. 1 6 The duke of Chae came [to Loo], and immediately after went to meet the king's bride in Ke. |
