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THE BOOKS OF CHOW.

BOOK XVIII. NUMEROUS REGIONS.

命知大爾告周自惟 降殷爾公奄五 洪爾侯四日至月 寅惟命尹國王于丁 念圖爾民多若宗玄 天罔我方曰周王

記之不惟惟

○來

一節

多方

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1 I. In the fifth month, on the day Ting-hae, the king arrived from 2 Yen, and came to the honoured city of Chow. The duke of Chow said, “ The king speaks to the following effect, Ho! I make an announcement for you of the four kingdoms and many other regions. Ye who were the officers and people of the prince of Yin, I have dealt very leniently as regards your lives, as ye all know. You 3 kept reckoning greatly upon some decree of Heaven, and did not keep with perpetual awe before your thoughts the preservation of your sacrifices.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The Preface to the

Shoo contains the names of two Books now lost, which had their place between 'The Charge to Chung of Ts'ae' and 'The Numerous Regions. The one was styled "The Government of king Ching,' and was made on occasion of an expedition of the king to the east, when he smote the wild tribes of the Hwae, and ex

tinguished the State of Yen (東伐准 夷遂踐奄). The other had reference

to the king's removal of the chief or ruler of

Yen to the district of Poo-koo (蒲姑) in

Tse, and was styled, which we do not know how to translate, being unable, from the loss of the Book, to say how the character should be taken. The Book that now comes under our notice was a sequel to these two, the prefatory note saying that it was made on the return of the king to Haou

from Yen(成王歸自奄在宗周 誥庶作多方)

Now, the prefatory note to "The Great Announcement ' says that after king Woo's death,

when Woo-kǎng and the three uncles of Ching,
who had been placed as overseers of him in
Yin, rebelled, the wild tribes of the Hwae rose
at the same time and made common cause
with them. In 'The Numerous Officers,' p. 21,
again, the king is made to say to the nobles of
Yin, that, when he came from Yen,' he dealt
very leniently with them. The question has
been raised whether, in those and other notices,
we have intimations of only one expedition
against the tribes of the Hwae and Yen, or of
successive expeditions. On the lost Book of
"The Govt. of king Ching,' Ch'ing K‘ang-shing |
says that the exploits described in it were those
of the duke of Chow when he put down the
rebellion of his brothers, and that he did not
know how the Book had been arranged in the
place assigned to it in the Preface. Keang
Shing, Wang Ming-shing, and others, who all

new sway. One can understand how deep had been the influence of the six virtuous kings who came after T'ang. Under the tyranny of Show, the people were as if in the midst of flaming fire, and they turned to Chow as water flows downwards, without thinking of the virtue of the former kings. But when the empire was a little settled, they were no longer amid the fires, and their thoughts turned to the seven emperors of Yin, as a child thinks of its parents. Though sages like king Woo and the duke of Chow followed one another with their endeavours to soothe them, their insurrectionary movements could not be repressed. Had the new dynasty not possessed the duke of Chow, it could hardly have been established. This he knew, and it was this which made him apprehensive, and that he did not dare to withdraw from public .

life. See the

but swear to the words of Ching, would arrange all the Books I have mentioned before 'The Numerous Officers.' In the standard chroTHE NAME OF THE BOOK.-, 'The nology, moreover, the 'Numerous Regions' is Numerous Regions.' The phrase occurs in the assigned to the fifth year of king Ching, B.C. 2d par., and up and down throughout the 1,110 (or 1,111). On the other hand, Gan-kwo greater portion of the Book; and hence it is maintains that the wild tribes spoken of were used to designate the whole, indicating that it not tamed by one visit of the imperial forces. was addressed to the representatives not of one The duke of Chow smote them, he says, and region, but of many. In parr. 24-29, the phrase Yen with them, when quelling the rebellion of, 'numerous officers,' takes the place of his brothers and Woo-kăng, but they rebelled again when the duke had resigned the regency,, and Woo Ch'ing has removed so much and the king himself, probably attended by his uncle, took the field against them; and it was on his return from extinguishing the State of Yen, that the announcement contained in the Numerous Regions' was made. It is of the operations at this time against the Hwae and other wild tribes, he thinks, that mention is made in 'The speech at Pe.'

I am inclined in this matter to adopt the view of Gan-kwŏ. We may conclude from the arrangement of the Books that this was the opinion of the compiler of the Preface. If we may credit what Mencius says, the records of the Shoo do not tell us a tithe of the wars carried on by the duke of Chow to establish the new dynasty: He smote Yen, and after three years put its ruler to death. He drove Fei-leen to a corner by the sea and slew him. The states which he extinguished amounted to fifty' (Mencius, Bk. III., Pt. II., ix., 6). I may conclude this note with the remarks of Shoo Shih on the difficulty with which the dynasty of Chow was established. He says: "The Great Announcement," ""The Announcement to the prince of K'ang," "The Ann. about Drunkenness," "The timber ofthe Tsze," "The Ann. of the duke of Shaou," "The Ann. about Lo," "The Numerous Officers," and "The Numerous Regions," these eight pieces, each having its different subject, yet have all a general reference to the fact that the minds of the people of Yin

would not submit to Chow. When I have read

"The Great Speech," and "The Completion of the War," I have always exclaimed-How easily did Chow take the empire from Yin!' But when I read these eight Books, I exclaim'With what difficulty did Chow bring Yin to a quiet submission!' "The Numerous Regions" was addressed not to the off. of Yin only, but also to those of the other regions throughout the empire; showing us that it was not the people of Yin only who refused to acknowledge the

to the former Book ;-for which he is hardly to be blamed. The Numerous Regions' is found in both the texts.

CONTENTS. The king has returned to his capital in triumph, having put down rebellion in the east, and specially extinguished the State or tribe of Yen. A great assembly of princes and nobles,-the old officers of Yin, and chiefs from many regions besides,-is gathered on the occasion. They are all supposed to have been secretly, if not openly, in sympathy with the rebellion which has been trampled out, and to grudge to yield submission to the rule of Chow. The king, by the duke of Chow, reasons and expostulates with them. He insists on the leniency with which he had dealt with them in the past; and whereas they might be saying that Chow's overthrow of the Yin dynasty was a usurpation, he shows that it was from the will of Heaven. The history of the empire is reviewed, and it is made to appear that king Woo had displaced the emperors of Shang, just as Tang, the founder of Shang, had displaced the emperors of Hea. It was the course of duty for them therefore to submit to Chow. If they did not avail themselves of its leniency, they should be dealt with in another way.

Having thus spoken, the duke turns, at par. 24, and addresses the many officers of the States, and especially those of Yin who had been removed to Lo, speaking to them in the style of The Numerous Officers.' Finally he

reminds them all that it is time for them to
If they do well, all will
begin a new course.
be well with them; if they continue perverse,
they will have themselves to blame for the
consequences.

Ch. I. Pp. 1-12. TIME WHEN, AND PAR-
TIES TO WHOM THE ANNOUNCEMENT WAS MADE.
A REVIEW OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE HEA

DYNASTY, AND OF THE HISTORY OF THAT OF
SHANG-TO SHOW THE WAY OF HEAVEN IN THE

RISE AND FALL OF THE IMPERIAL SWAY.

See the introductory note. On and

1.

Bk. XIV., p. 21, of the imperial domain of

Shang or Yin, which had been divided into four

parts presided over by three of king Woo's brothers, and by Woo-kăng, the son of Show. It seems to me absurd to suppose, with Keang Shing, that Yen was one of the States thus classed together.

Then by 多那 are intended the princes

周 see the notes on Bk. XIV., p. 21. Gaubil observes that whereas the most approved history of the empire refers the date of this Book to the 5th year of king Ching, or B.C. 1,111, there really was no day Ting-hae in the 5th month and people of other regions generally. It is of that year in the calendar of Chow. The probable the people of Yen, in the rising which correctness of his observation is easily verified, had been quelled, had raised the standard of for the Chow year corresponding to B.C. 1,111, the fallen dynasty, and that the issue of their must have commenced with the cycle day struggle had been eagerly waited for by the But we have seen (p. 421) that it people of the old imperial domain, and of other eastern regions. However that may be, the duke of Chow and other friends of the new dynasty thought the time a fitting one to give another and general exposition of the grounds on which they vindicated for it the sovereignty of the

was in the year B.C. 1,098 that the duke of Chow resigned the regency. The next year, B.c. 1,097, began, if the calendar was correct, on the 6th cycle day, or , and the 5th month must

have commenced with the day 丁卯or戊 empire 惟爾殷侯尹民云云

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so that the day Ting-hae would be the 20th-by the prince of Yin,' is denoted

or 21st of it. Gan-kwo arrived at the same

Woo-kang. Keang Shing takes, so

result from his view that the day, Bk. that 爾殷侯尹民爾諸侯治

XIII., p. 29, was the last day of the yever, 'ye princes of the empire, governing

Let these numerical statements have whatever weight is due to them;-they seem to me to show that this Book follows 'The Announcement about Lo,' in chronological order, and that we are right in rejecting the early date assigned to it by K'ang-shing and his followers.

2. 周公日王若日−the an

the people;' but such a meaning of in this place is very unlikely. Woo Ch'ing retains in the sense of 'the Yin dynasty,' but takes the clause in the same way as Shing (

nouncement is thus introduced differently from‡R), saying that whereas any that have preceded. The Great Announce the 'people' were addressed in

ment' for instance begins with

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though the king could have had little or nothing, the speaker here rises to address their to do with it. The language of it, like the expedition which it vindicated, was all from the duke of Chow. The compilers of the Books, however,

rulers'. But

there is no such gradation of thought in the text, and Ching's exegesis lies under the addi

did not think it necessary to prefix ational disadvantage of making -, and.

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as they have done here. The only reason

for the addition in the text at all satisfactory

The duke of Chow, having called the attention of all in the assembly to what he had to say

addresses himself more particularly to the nobles and people who had occupied the imperial domain of Yin. I understand

assumes (what I have inferred on other grounds), here turns and that this announcement was made after the duke had resigned the regency. The king might then have been expected to declare his sentiments in his own person. He did not do so on this occasion. There were reasons, no doubt, for his not doing so, though we cannot assign them. The duke of Chow was spokesman as before; and to indicate their different positions

we have the prefix The duke of Chow said. 猷告爾四國多方一

as

一殷侯之百官與衆民:The Daily Explanation' differently:

EKOZE 我惟 一猷告 大降爾命 ‚—see on Bk. XIV., p. 21. I

-on

see upon Bk. VII., p. 1. Woo Ching understands by all the States in the four

quarters of the empire’(四方諸國), and

by多方, the people of all the States' (諧 國之民). This is ingenious but not satisfactory. 四國多方 stand collater

understand the language here as in that previous passage, in accordance with the views of Ts'ae. Here, however, he supposes that the king says he is sparing their lives a second time, and

is with him 爾罔不知

爾宜無 不知,‘Be ye all aware of this. But this

clause and the former are to me plainly his

ally, and indicate different regions. The 'many is fully and clearly expanded in the 'Daily Extorical, and refer to what is past. Ts'ae's view regions' are more extensive than the four

States,' and cannot be taken as embraced in planation:-.....1#4

them. We must understand the 四國 as in 奄國既滅皆當以從逆坐

4

終淫于不夏 I

之日昏民肯誕于 聞迪勸 乃 感厥夏

○乃于克大言

有降

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'God sent down correction on Hea, but the sovereign only increased his luxury and sloth, and would not speak kindly to the people. He proved himself on the contrary dissolute and dark, and would not yield for a single day to the leading of God;-this

Gan-kwo joined the 3d par. with the 4th, and

誅我惟不忍多殺大降恩 supposed that Këĕ, the last emperor of the Hea *ARZI dyn., was the subject of it. Keang Shing deals

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with it very inanely, saying that it is a general

declaration, 'Should kings reckon on the decree of Heaven, and not reverently consult with long forethought, for their sacrifices' (E

X TRA

Këang Shing would make them in both places merely a phrase of introduction or exclamation; but we are not reduced to have recourse to such a device.

4.

the House of Tang by a 'divine right' (21. 洪惟 -see on the same Z), and did not consider that what Heaven characters in Bk. VII., p. 1. had given, it might and would take away, if there were not the earnest and virtuous discharge of the duties of government. Ts'ae makes Yen to be the subject of the par. Thus the 'Daily Explanation' follows the passage just quoted with And do you know the reason why Yen has perished? The people of Yen presumed greatly on their private views, reckon ed on the decree of supreme Heaven, and with evil action rose in rebellion. They used no far-reaching reverent forethought, which would have led them to obey the laws, and rest in their lot, whereby they would have preserved the sacrifices to their ancestors. They have thus suddenly brought destruction on themselves; and do you look to Yen as a beacon, and know that the decree of Heaven is not to be—comp. rashly sought or relied on.' But why should p. 5. The Daily Explanation' here takes we suppose that the speaker has here the State

of Yen in view? It is mentioned indeed in the

1st par., but that is an addition by the compiler, and Yen is nowhere referred to in the address.

Pp. 4-7. How the sovereignty of the empire passed from the House of Hea to Tang. Ts'ae thinks that some paragraphs introductory to this have been lost, his reason being that it is the custom in the Shoo to precede the account of the downfall of a dynasty because of the wickedness of its last emperor with a reference to the virtuous emperors who preceded him. That is the practice certainly, but the duke of Chow may not have observed it here. We are not obliged to suppose any loss of text.

T-comp. Bk. XIV.,

-JE TR--
-正·感言于民−感憂,sor-
rowfully,' 'with sympathy.' 不克終
-, in the

It was too insignificant, moreover, to occupy
the place which must be assigned to it, if we
suppose that the announcement is thus made to

turn upon its history.

No similar objections can be made to the

view which I have taken. The sacrifices to the emperors of the Yin dynasty were allowed, in the generous clemency of king Woo, to be continued by their lineal descendant Woo-kăng, the son of the tyrant Show; but no sooner was Woo dead, than he and his adherents rose in rebellion against the new dynasty, and brought down new and heavy punishments, though still tempered with mercy, upon themselves. I am surprised that none of the Chinese critics have thus connected the 2d and 3d parr.

Analects and Mencius, is used for a whole

day.

day.'

=

Here the phrase 'one day,' 'a single 日; and Keang Shing has for it

the 'Daily Explanation' gives

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恭丕承LI 亂因崇乃于命厥融 甲亂大民不圖

恭洪舒于

不惟進之

于不甲

旅克于有降之克

,罔靈內 内夏罰、麗開之

5 is what you have heard. He kept reckoning on the decree of God in his favour, and would not promote the means of the people's support. By great inflictions of punishment also, he increased the disorder of the States of Hea. The first cause of his evil course was the internal misrule, which made him unfit to deal well with the multitudes. Nor did he seek at all to employ men whom he could

Ts'ae says that most of this par. is not understood by him. He brings out the meaning which appears in the translation, however, and is on the whole more successful in dealing with it than the other critics. The same subject evidently is continued, the crimes of Kee,

as

K'ang Shing and

a noun, the subject of 甲
Wang Suh both took =狎or習, but
they do not account for the. Equally un-
satisfactory is the exegesis of Gan-kwŏ, who

which occasioned the overthrow of the Hea takes as if it were 夾. With 靈承

dynasty. 厥圖帝之命-compare 于旅 comp. Bk. XIV, p. 13, 我周王

the notes on The Speech of T'ang,' p. 3.

不克開于民之麗-the expres- 不靈承帝事. Here 旅 is taken, by sion 民之麗 has been taken variously. all the critics except Woo Ching, as = Gan-kwǒ explains 麗by施 so that the

meaning is that which should be bestowed on the people,'viz., good govt. and lessons of instruction; and the whole he could not begin even to govern and instruct the people as he ought. This is very unsatisfactory. In the

=

Yih King (離卦 ) it is said-日月麗乎
天百穀草木麗乎土. Keang
Shing, taking 麗 there as = |
附‘to be attach-

ed to,' understands the text as=

:' he could not

the multitude of the people.' The only difficulty in so taking it is with, which would so his inferiors, which is contrary to its common be applied to describe the act of the superior to usage. Feeling this, Ch'ing takes as denoting the sacrifice to God which was so called (see

the dict. in voc.), who takes the clause as = the But this is so far-fetched that it is better to

could not attend well to the sacrifices to God.'

acquiesce in the other view, even with the difficulty attaching to it.

罔丕至于

do what would make the people attached to-I have translated here after the ‘Daily

him.' Ts'ae defined the character in the Yin

by 依, (to rely on,' and not by 附, from which

he deduces the meaning of the text which I have

given. Këě made no provision for the neces

saries of life among the people, stuch as food 乃大至有夏−this

and clothing.

continues the description of Keč. He is the subject of Woo Ch'ing on the contrary understands ‘Heaven' as the subject of 降, and makes the clauses descriptive of the punishment of Këã.

因甲至于旅~the critics

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Explanation, which has:無能大進 賢人而敬用之使大布寬 舒之澤于其民. There is little to

choose between this and the view of Ts'ae and Woo Ching: Nor could he make great approaches towards the virtue of reverence in which he might have shown a generous largeness

of heart to the people' (不能大進於 恭而大寬裕其民). Gan-kwǒ

gave quite a different meaning to the second clause: Nor could he greatly advance to the virtue of reverence, but was very indifferent

and idle in governing the people' (大舒惰 于治民) Keang Shing reads

instead of, and interprets:-"The greatly

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