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3 set about laying out the plans. On Kang-suh, the third day after, he led the people of Yin to prepare the various sites on the north of the Lo ; and this work was completed on the fifth day, Kea-yin.

city of SungCpJ Ijj^)]!on t,le north I look, and see the towns near the Yah [this is supposed to be the T'ae-hang mountain, north of the Ho, on the border between Shan-se and Ho-nan; see the 'Tribute of Yu,' Part ii., par. 1]; when I look round, I see the Ho; and again I behold

the L8 and the E' ^ *g jfc

\). Ts'een adds that Woo laid out or built settlement for Chow on the spot, and went

These passages make it plain that Woo had fixed on L6, at the time of his conquest of Shang, as the proper capital for his dynasty, and had taken measures to make it so. There was already, it is likely, some settlement at the place, which he enlarged. His locating at it the vases of Yu was a sufficient declaration to all the empire of his purpose. And that purpose had not been forgotten by the duke of Chow. When we bring together all the passages referring to L5, the natural conclusion is that he had been gradually enlarging the place, and had even removed to it the more dangerous among the old adherents of Yin who still continued disaffected to the new rule. Up to the time when the action of this Book commences, however, nothing had been done towards the building of the palace and other structures which were the necessary appendages to it, and the planning of all these was, I think, the special mission entrusted to the duke of Shaou.

In the statistical account of the empire under the present dynasty, it is stated that the remains of the ancient city of L8,—what was called

iSJ ifi' 'tlle caPital °f tne completed or established Chow,' are 30 le on the north-east of the pres. city of L8h-yang (lat. 34" 43', N.; Ion. 4 °, W.) j and those of the old city of Ho-nan,

what was the 'imperial city' jjjj) and 'the eastern Capital' of Chow—are 5 le on the west of it. The imperial city got the name of Ho-nan (jfjf j^J) about the year B.c. 609,

when the emperor King ^T£) left it, and

took up his residence in the Jjjjjjj I may add to these notices of La, that notwithstanding the wishes of king Woo and his labours, king Ching continued to reside at Haou; it was not till the reign of P'ing (^ ^) that the

court was removed to the east, B.c. 769.

the Grand-guardian (see Bk. XX., p. 5) was the duke of Shaou is nowhere said in the Book itself, but the title and the prefatory note (see page 10) are sufficient evidence on the point.

■yfa may be construed in the 1st tone or the 3d.

W=JESi' 'to survey.' Keang Shing

gives for this, very aptly,—pj" ^ Jg

'the places which might be fixed for residence.' The character does not denote so much 'a

dwelling,' as the site of a dwelling. jjjj*

^ T r^'-Ts ae take« M ft ^ M

simply a conjunction fffi), TMour

'thereupon.' Attempts have been made to translate the characters. Medhurst renders them—1 proceeding leisurely on his journey,' which might be taken as a translation of Gan

kwe's J|E ^Jj^, but he wrongly joins them to the preceding clause. Others (see Lin Chek'e in loc.) take them as = 'so, in obedience to the charge, he came.' Our best plan is to follow the view of Ts'ae. Jj|£j, formed from

and 'the moon come forth,' denotes the

third day of the month. As this was Ping-woo, the second month must have been 'small,' consisting only of 29 days; and Mow-shin was the 6th of the 3d month. From Fung to La was 300 le., so that if Shih commenced his journey, as the critics suppose, on the day Yih-we of the month before, he must have travelled leisurely

enough. |^=fi

J^tJj' 'ne U8C0-tne tortoise to divine where the capital should be built.' Wang K'ang -t'ang observes on that we are not to under

stand those terms of any actual work in building, but only of the determination of the dimensions of the wall, the palace or court, the ancestral temple, &c.;-see the ^ §£. 3. j|g

^> £J f^,—it may be observed that in

these three days both Kang-suh and Mow-shin are included. So, in the case of the 'three

days' in the last par. ^ jff J§£, jfc jfc

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The day following, being the day Yih-maou, the duke of Chow came in the morning to Lo, and thoroughly surveyed the plans for the new city. On Ting-sze, the third day after, he offered two bulls as victims in the suburbs; and on the morrow, Mow-woo, at the altar to the spirit of the land in the new city, he sacrificed a bull, a goat,

'all the people of Yin.' This confirms what I have said above about the population of the imperial domain of Yin having already been in part removed to L5,—the city commenced by king

Woo. J^jT <CT describes the marking out

on the ground of the foundations of the various

structures from the plans of Shih. j^J- Jj^jJ,

—see 'The Songs of the five Sons,' p. 3.

£J tJJ tit, —t'le ^Te ^a^B mc^u(^e Kangsuh and KeS-yin. The latter was the 11 th of the 3d month.

Pp. 4—7. The measures of the duke of Chow.

'all over.' The duke made a thorough

survey of all the Guardian's plans and arrangements for the building of the new city; and, as we conclude from the next two parr., approved

of them. 5. —the disputes about the sacrifice or sacrifices here intended are very warm and lengthy. Ts'ae

says that by -^JJ are intended the sacrifice or sacrifices to Heaven and Earth Bill ^£

^jjj -jjjj). Whether he meant that the duke of

Chow offered two sacrifices,—one to Heaven and one to Earth; or only one sacrifice to Heaven and Earth together, offering the two bulls at the same altar, does not appear. Maou K'e-ling, supposing that the latter was his view, shows that to sacrifice to Heaven and Earth together was an uncanonical practice. But I should rather think that Ts'ae meant that two sacrifices were offered, one to Heaven in the southern suburb, and one to Earth in the northern, n single bull being used at each. These sacrifices of course would be on occasion of the marking out the spots for the respective altars. Maou himself thinks that only one sacrifice— that to Heaven—is spoken of, and that two

victims are mentioned, because How-tseih (

as the great ancestor of the House of

Chow, was associated with Heaven at the sacrifices to it. So far he is correct in saying that How-tseih participated in the usual sacrifices under the Chow dynasty to Heaven, and that there was special provision for a victim-bull to him, and one to the supernal Power. This was the view, moreover, of Gan-kw6. If the text were that 'the duke of Chow sacrificed, to Heaven, using two bulls,' I should adopt it. As the text stands, however, I prefer the view given above, and which I have said was probably that of

'i—id: "TM' "e on,eretl the sacrifice at the

altar to the spirit of the land.' Maou contends that this was the sacrifice to Earth, corresponding to the previous one to Heaven. But the text shows clearly that he is wrong, This sacrifice was offered -J- jjj^ 'in—£.e, within —the new city,' whereas the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth were both celebrated in the suburbs, outside the city. We are to understand here, beyond doubt, the sacrifice to the spirit of the land, with which there was always associated that to the spirit of the grain. The altars were and still are within the wall of the imperial city. Who the spirits thus sacrificed to were, is a question not easy to determine. It seems to me probable that they were not spirits distinct from God, who was served in the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. Compare the dictum of Confucius in 'The Doctrine of the Mean,' xix, 6. Whatever opinion may be held on this point, the human worthy associated at the sacrifice to the spirit of the land was Kow-lung (fit), minister of Works to the very ancient emperor Chuen-heuh, whose place on the list of Chinese j sovereigns is immediately after Hwang-te. The I human associate with the spirit of the grain was Howitzers. These same names appear in the ritual of the present dynasty (see the

Ayf ii/!f!'^£-b>- A1°n*"°*

on this paragraph by the editors of Yung-ching's Shoo is well worth the attention of the student. m

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and a pig. After seven days, on Kea-tsze, in the morning, from his written specifications he gave their several charges to the people of Yin, and to the chiefs of the States from the How, Teen, and Nan tenures. When the people of Yin had thus received their orders, they arose with vigour to do their work.

II. The Great-guardian then went out with the hereditary princes of the various States to bring their offerings; and when he entered again, he gave them to the duke of Chow, saying, "With my head in my hands and bowed to the ground, I present these before the ^^^^T,± O _

—I have translated by 'written specifications.' The duke had employed the six days after Ting-sze (that day is not

included in the —Jj| ) in writing out the

work which was to be done in executing the Guardian's plans, with all the necessary specifications, and especially of the parties to whom the different parts of it should be assigned.

The Chiefs of countries (^JJ^^) in the tenures specified must have been the pastors of the provinces (jj>|>| i^). They would give their instructions to the princes belonging to their respective jurisdictions, who again would issue the necessary commands to the companies of their people whom they had brought with them to labour on the work in hand. 7. Lin

Che-k'e observes on this:—'The duke of Shaou completed all his plans for L6 in 7 days, from Mow-shin to Keft-yin inclusive; then came the duke of Chow, and in ten days he was ready with all his specifications, and the work was grandly in hand :—so earnest and prompt were they with their measures. All together, from the day Yih-we, when king Ching came to Fung, to the day Kefi-szc, there elapsed but one month. The foundation of 10,000 years' possession and prosperity was laid in one month 1 Future ages could not show such an achievement!' The observation must be accepted with due allowance for its grandiloquence.

Ch. II. Pp. 8—23. The Announcement. 8. The old interpreters all thought that king Ching was present in LS when this announcement was made. It may be well to give

the exposition of Gau-kw6. On ^£ R. A he 8ays:-fg^ & £ fa'; fe^f

various princes, the dukes and high nobles appeared together before the king. The king and the duke of Chow had both come to Lo. The text is silent about the king's coming, because there was nothing to be done by him at that time. The duke of Shaou and all the princes went out to fetch the ceremonial offerings, wishing to take occasion of the great assembly

to glorify the duke of Chow.' On ^#-£hesays:-^.£^$£A.

j^f. 'The duke of Shaou then entered with

the offerings, and, proclaiming the command of king Citing, gave them to the duke of Chow, saying, "I venture, with my face to my hands and my head to the ground, to set forth the things in which the king ought to act in accordance with the duke of Chow."' On the last clause


'The duke of Shaou's aim was to admonish king Ching, and that he addressed himself to the multitudes of Yin and the princes, down to the managers of affairs [see Ying-ta's paraphrase), was the language of modesty. The princes were present, and he took the opportunity to address himself to the king through them.'

K'ang-shing's view of the passage was substantially the same as that of Gan-kwo. That the king was present, and that the design of

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king and your Grace. Announcements for the instruction of the multitudes of Yin must come from you with whom is the management of affairs.

"Oh! God dwelling in the great heavens has changed his decree in favour of his eldest son, and this great dynasty of Yin. Our king has received that decree. Unbounded is the happiness connected with it, and unbounded is the anxiety:—Oh! how can he be other than reverent?

Shih was to glorify the duke of Chow for the services he had performed :—these are assumptions, for which I can find no support in the tenour of the Book itself. That the offerings were presented to the duke of Chow for himself is broadly contrary to the last paragraph. The

interpretation, moreover, of M E

and of ^ til J1] fjtj) is intolerably

harsh and forced. In the translation I have preferred to follow the views of Ts'ae, who himself followed Choo He. There is a great assembly of the two dukes and the princes who were with them at L6. The duke of Chow is about to return, or at least to send a communication, to king Ching in llaou. The duke of Shaou, revering the king's majesty in the regent, takes the opportunity to send by him the loyal presents of the princes, and his own loyal wishes and advices to the court. And there was the greater propriety in his doing so now, as it was understood that the duke of Chow was about to withdraw from the duties of the regency, and the king might be expected to take the administration of affairs into his own bands.

diet, in roc. 3^|\—comp. Bk I., Ft i., p. 2.

SKI#^-JK-B[. '*°«tforth/ 'to exhibit;' with reference to the offerings, which would be set down and displayed in the court below the hall where they were assembled.

The jfj~ is very perplexing. We have seen how

the old interpreters tried to manage it. Ts'ae

takes it as simply = Qii, 'and.' This gives a

good enough sense, but I must confess that I cannot think of a similar use of the term else

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course of their duty, and leading in the way of it. The duke delicately avoids any direct mention of the king, but he really intends him as 'the manager of affairs.' In this way we see

the force of the , which the old interpreters could not manage.

Pp. 9—12. With the favour shown by God to the kiny there was connected much anxiety. He must reverently cherish the thouyht of his responsibilities and duties; learn from the experience of the former dynasties; and listen to the advice of his wise and aged ministers. 9. ^£ f~

•jij*,—see on 1=^ F 'jjj*, in 'The Announcement of T'ang,' p. 2. -jq -r,-- see on Bk., VIII., p. 1. Here and in par. 13, it is a designation equivalent to 'the emperor.' When he is called Heaven's eldest son, the mind thinks of the favour which must rest upon him, and may well deem his state secure. K'ang-shing says


^ at: "H" J^, 'All men may be called the sons of Heaven ; the emperor is the head or the eldest of them.' E ^ 'the

king here is king Ching,' = our king, who was now become God's eldest son. Jj^j It

/f^T ^f* f^fc1—"''3 Puts *'ie duty of De'nB ru" verent in the strongest way. On the meaning of this 'being reverent' Ts'ae says, that 'it is being sincere and without guile, the eyes, ears, words, and movements nil being accordant with reason; the likings and dislikings, the using! and refusings never contrary to the will of Heaven. When one's virtue thus agrees with that of Heaven, he will surely be able to receive the

bright favouring decree of Heaven' ($(f fill


"When Heaven rejected and made an end of the decree in favour of the great State of Yin, there were many of the former intelligent kings of Yin in heaven. The king, however, who had succeeded to them, the last of their race, from the time of his entering into their appointment, proceeded in such a way as at last to keep the wise in obscurity and the vicious in office. The poor people in such a case, carrying their children and leading their wives, made their moan to Heaven. They even fled away, but were apprehended again. Oh! Heaven had compassion on the people of the four quarters; its favouring decree lighted on our earnest founders. Let the king sedulously cultivate the virtue of reverence.

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■jjjj). 10. Much of the language of this

paragraph, it is observed by Ts'ae, is difficult of explanation ; but there is a general agreement as to the meaning of most of it. King Ching is reminded of the fall of the dyn. of Yin through the misgovernment and wickedness of Show, and how it was because of the earnest virtue of his own predecessors that they had been called to the sovereignty of the empire.—Let it be his to imitate them. ^ i^S ^£ ^C> 'far,' 'distant;' here, as I understand it, -'to reject.' Wall, 'to make an end of.' It is difficult to give the force of the Perhaps we should join it emphatically

to tell. —' Of this Yin, thus rejected, many of the former kings, &c,' The speaker believed that the good kings were in heaven, and he intimates that it might therefore have been expected that they would have been able to preserve their dynasty; but that could not be.

31 ^t'~1& is here = ' but,' 'however.'

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