Keang. They were known as Chins (), but that surname they exchanged for Teen(); it is not known when or why. In 390 Teen Ho (HH) removed duke Kang from his capital, and placed him in a city near the sea, where he might maintain the sacrifices to his ancestors; and there he led an inglorious life till 378, when the line of Keang came to a close. Teen Ho made application to the king of Chow and to the feudal princes to be acknowledged himself as marquis of Ts'e, which was acceded to, and his first year dates from 385.

Keen continued till the first year of the dynasty of Ts'in, B.C. 220, when he made his submission to the new Power, and the independent existence of Ts'e ceased.

XIII. The princes of Ts'oo (). Surname Me (#). Viscounts. They claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heuh(); but the first who had the surname Me appears to have been a Ke-leen (E), about the dawn of historic times. A Yuh Heung() is mentioned with distinction in the time of king Wăn, and his great-grandson, Heung Yih (), was invested with Ts'oo by king Ch'ing, as a viscount. It was not very long till the title of viscount was discarded, and that of king usurped. The Heung was a clanname, derived from Yuh Heung.

XIV. The princes of Ts'in (). Surname Ying). At first only earls.

They claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heuh, through Pih-e (or Pih-yih (1), the forester of Shun (Shoo, II. i. 22), who is said to have given him the surname of Ying. Sze-ma Ts'ëen traces the family down through the Hea and Shang dynasties, but there is much that is evidently fabulous in the statements which he makes. At last we arrive at the time of king Heaou of Chow, who was so pleased with the ability displayed by Fei-tsze (), a scion of the family, in keeping cattle, that he employed him to look after his herds of horses, between the Keen and the Wei,' and invested him with the small territory of Ts'in, as chief of an attached State, there to maintain the sacrifices to the Ying. Fei-tsze occupies the first place in the list of the princes of Ts ́in.

Seang gave important assistance to the House of Chow in the troubles connected with the death of king Yew, and the removal of the capital by king P'ing to the east, and his rank was raised in 769 to that of earl, an 1 Ts'in had now an independent existence anong the other fiefs of Chow. Its territory was also greatly increased, and Seang received, what Chinese writers think wss of evil omen, the old domain of the princes of Chow from mount K'e westwards.

Became king in 245, and succeeded in establishing his sway over all the other States in 220, from which year dates the commencement of the Ts'in dynasty. He reigned under the style of 始皇帝, emperor the First, till 209. In 208 he was succeeded by his son, emperor the Second (二世皇帝), and with his death in 204 the short-lived dynasty may be said to have ended.

IT SEEMS DESIRABLE AT THE CLOSE OF THIS CHAPTER TO
APPEND A TABLE OF THE CYCLE OF SIXTY.

CHAPTER III.

THE CHINA OF THE CH'UN TS'EW PERIOD:-CONSIDERED IN
RELATION TO ITS TERRITORIAL EXTENT; THE

DISORDER WHICH PREVAILED; THE GROWTH AND ENCROACH-
MENTS OF THE LARGER STATES; AND THE BARBAROUS
TRIBES WHICH SURROUNDED IT.

1. On the territorial extent of the kingdom of Chow, and the names of the feudal States composing it, during the Ch'nn Ts'ëw Territorial extent and component States. period, I have nothing to add to what I have said on the same subjects for the period embraced in the Book of Poetry, on pp. 127-131 of the prolegomena to volume IV. A study of the large map accompanying this Chapter, in its two-fold form, with the names on the one in English and on the other in Chinese, will give the reader a more correct idea of these points than many pages of description could do. The period of the Book of Poetry overlapped that of the Ch'un Ts'ëw by more than a hundred years. No new State arose during the latter, though several came into greater prominence than had formerly belonged to them; and the enlargement of territory which took place arose chiefly from the greater development which the position of Tsin, Ts'oo, and Ts'in enabled them to give themselves.

referred to its causes.

2. It is often said that the period embraced in the Ch'un Ts'ëw was one of disorder,—a social and political disorganization to be compared with the physical disorder caused by the inundating waters Disorder of the Ch'un Ts'ew period;-) which called forth the labours of the great Yu so many ages before. Mencius tells us that the Classic does not contain a single instance of a righteous war, a war, according to him, being righteous only when the supreme authority had marshalled its forces to punish some disobedient vassal, whereas, during the period chronicled by Confucius, we have nothing but the strifes and collisions of the various feudal States among themselves. This is not absolutely correct, but it is an approximation to the truth. The disorder of the period, however, was only the sequel of the disorder that preceded it. Not long before it commenced, king P'ing had transferred the capital to the east in 769, in consequence of the death of his father king Yew at the hands of some of the wild tribes of the Jung. This movement was an open acknowledgment of the weakness of the sovereign

1 See Mencius. III. Pt. ii. IX. 11.

2 Mencius, VII, Pt. ii. II.