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珍商有會大后 之 未

大孫川土

勿受

日所告志

于王惟過手ō

虐道商發有名皇厎子 逃烝暴今將道山天商其

empire was not collected under his rule, and it fell to me, who am but a little child, to carry out his will.

Detesting the crimes of Shang, I announced to great Heaven and the sovereign Earth, to the famous hill and the great river, by which I passed, saying, I, Fă, the principled, king of Chow, by a long descent, am about to have a great righting with Shang. Show, the king of Shang, is without principle, cruel and destruetive to the creatures of Heaven, injurious and tyrannical to the multitudes of the people, chief of the vagabonds of the empire, -there is much difficulty in giving any appropriate meaning to. It has been defined by 至,致, and極數. The last is given

[In the Doctrine of the Mean,'xviii., 3, it is said that the duke of Chow completed the virtuous course of Wan and Woo,' and that he carried up the title of king to Tae and Ke, and

sacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the imperial ceremonies.' As it was thus the duke of Chow who carried up the title of king to Tan-foo and Ke-leih, completing what Woo had left undone, it has been asked how we find those titles here in the mouth of king Woo. I apprehend that the merit of the duke of Chow was in extending the practice of honouring ancestors, beyond the circle of the imperial family,

to ‘the princes, the great officers the scholars,

and the common people.' King Woo no doubt took counsel on the subject with his brother

the duke of Chow. Perhaps it was by his advice

that he did it; but there can be no doubt that he had conferred the titles mentioned in the text. The thing is commemorated in the Le

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the Shoo where the combination 后土
Ying-ta understands, I think correctly, by 名

mount Hwa, and the Ho by 大川. Critics generally take [I and II in the plural.

We must understand, of course, that Woo made his announcement to the spirits of Heaven, Earth,

Ke, the Bk. 大傳, p. 2. I give the whole | the mountain, and the river. 有道會

paragraph here, because it gives a strong confirmation not only to this par., but also to the two

孫-I take 有道 and 會孫 as in ap

position. Such is the view of Ying-ta, who

observes that Woo, in asking the help of the Show would not affect a false humility. Tsue refers to his forefathers, and construe the phrase

spirits, and speaking of himself in contrast with

and others say that by the principled' Woo

preceding ones. 牧之野武王之大 事事而退柴於上帝 新於社設奠於牧室遂率 天下諸侯執豆籑逡奔 as under the regimen of 會孫, which means 追王大王亶父王季歴文 literally ‘great-grandson. 周王發一 王昌,不以卑尊]

Tsae supposes that 周王 is an interpolation,

Pp. 6–8. He relates the prayer which he-which seems very likely. 大正

addressed to the spirits of Heaven and Earth, of |

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mount Hwa and the Ho, in contemplation of the comp. the use of E in the Speech of T'ang,'

engagement with Show. 底商之罪,p.2-不敢不正 暴殄天物

征命○罔華以獲予主 綏肆恭不夏遏承仁小萃 予天 率蠻亂上人、子淵 士東成俾貓畧帝敢旣藪

who collect about him as fish in the deep, and beasts in the prairie. I, who am but a little child, having obtained the help of virtuous men, presume reverently to comply with the will of God, to make an end of his disorderly ways. The great and flowery region, and the wild tribes of the south and north, equally follow and consent 7 with me. Reverently obeying the determinate counsel of Heaven, 1 pursue my punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its -殄=絶,‘to destroy utterly’天物, take 伸 here in the sense of 從: ‘to follow,'

'the creatures of Heaven;' 'including men,' says so that the clause = 'all follow one another to Lin Che-k'e, but they are further specified,' follow me.' Gan-kwo would put a comma at

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because of their greater importance.' 為 率 and taking 俾 in its conimon signification 天下逋逃主萃(=聚)淵藪o使 join it to the next clause. This has in the paraphrase of this in the Daily Explana- its favour, that the in next par. stands tion' is: 天下有罪在逃之人, more naturally at its commencement than as 所當誅鋤之以安良善者 we read it at present. The rhythm of the style, 也受反收留之與彼為主, however, requires that we join 率 and 伸

有司莫之敢捕如魚之聚 [In the 左傳昭七年 we find::于深淵獸之聚于林藪(The 昔武王數紂之罪以告諸

criminals and vagabonds of the empire ought

to be taken off and rooted out, to secure the re- 侯日紂為天下逋逃主萃

pose of the good, but Show receives and main

tains them, and is their chief, so that the officers

do not dare to apprehend them. They are as fish collected in the deep waters, and as beasts gathered together in the forests and thickets.'

The quotation is important, not 淵藪

only as guaranteeing so much of the prayer, but

also as showing that the prayer was a part of

the address which king Woo made to the princes. It is on this that Maou Ke-ling

予小子獲仁人,一we have mainly relies in protesting against the way in

seen the references made by Woo in the Great Speech,' Pt. ii., 9, et al., to his virtuous men.' We may compare with the sentiment here that of T'ang in his ‘Announcement,' p, 4., where he

says that before taking his measures against Këě, he sought for the great sage, with whom

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the will of God.'

he might unite his strength’(聿求元聖, 與之力) 承上帝=承 上帝之意 ‘to receive or comply with 亂略,Gan-kwú takes 略 in the sense of 路, (ways;’Ts'ae takes it in that of 謀, ‘counsels,' ‘plans' Both explanations are allowable. 華夏

-see on

,-see

the ‘Can. of Shun,' p. 20. 蠻貊-
Ana., XV., v. 2. 14-
率伸,-Tsae and others

VOL. III.

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which Choo He and others propose to break up and re-arrange the paragraphs of this Book.]

7. See the manner in which this paragraph is adduced by Mencius, III., Pt. 1., Y., 5. There are important alterations in the structure, the philosopher not directly quoting, but using the passage so as to suit his purpose.

Gan-kwù puts all the verbs in the past tense, place in the 11th year, when there was the first

saying that the description is of what took

assemblage at Măng-tsin, and Woo returned, without proceeding to the attack of Show. But there is no sufficient evidence of such a meeting.

The two clauses, moreover,-恭天成命
肆子東征, fix the whole par. to the time

then being,—the time in which was offer-
ing his prayer.
黃bas-

keted their azure and yellow fabrics.' See the

many descriptions in the Tribute of Yu' of the

40

俟天休命甲子

癸戊
戊無相惟附王

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作予爾我天玄惟

師神以有大休黃其

于逾羞濟神邑震昭士 甲商孟○兆尙周動我女 子郊津旣民克○用周篚

men and women. Its men and women bring their baskets full of azure and yellow silks, to show forth the virtue of us the kings of Chow. Heaven's favours stir them up, so that they come with And now, ye

8 their allegiance to our great State of Chow.

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spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to your shame!"

III. On the day mow-woo the army crossed the ford of Măng; on the day kwei-hae it was drawn up in array in the borders of

offerings brought in baskets.

昭我周 王‘displaying our kings of Chow, Some say that azure and yellow are the colours of heaven and earth respectively, and that the object of bringing such fabrics was to show that the kings of Chow were as good and beneficent as Heaven and earth. It is not necessary to seek for such a recondite meaning. The bringing of the baskets was an expression of allegiance, and an acknowledgment of the virtues

of the House of Chow. 大邑周一口 take 邑 here國 as we saw that Keang

Shing proposed to do in the last Book, p. 6.

8. 爾有神-the spirits are those of

Heaven and earth, of the mountain and the river. The conclusion is sufficiently bold. Woo must have felt sure that his enterprise was right, and in accordance with the supreme mind and

will.

Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, p. 55) has translated the par.:-Only may you shins be enabled to assist me in settling the millions of

me indeed.' It is remarkable how, in the course of the prayer, reference is expressly made both to | ‘God’and to‘Heaven,' as supreme. Why was it not addressed directly to God? There are both imperfect monotheism and polytheism in it. God is recognized as supreme, and at the same time other spirits are recognized, who would give effect to His will, and might be prayed to for that purpose. As Woo addressed his army in the grey dawn of the day at Muh, we may say that he had but the grey dawn of religious knowledge in his mind.

I will not add anything here to what I quoted abruptness and seeming incompleteness with from Ying-tă in the introductory note on the which the prayer terminates. It would have

been better if there had been some additional

expression of Woo's own feelings and purposes, and some inculcation of duties on the princes. It may be that a portion of the Book has been lost; or it may be that we do have all which Woo was pleased to say.

Ch. III. Pp. 9, 10. THE BATTLE OF MUH, WITH KING Woo's PROCEEDINGS IMMEDIATELY AFTER; AND SUBSEQUENT MEASURES,

9.

the people, and do not bring disgrace on your 戊午師逾孟津-comp. the

shin-ships. He observes upon it, that the form of expression would intimate that there was some power above the shins invoked, and that it was possible they might be unable to grant the needful assistance. There is no such indication in the form of the expression as he

supposes. 尙克相予 is not may you

be enabled to assist me,' but 'grant me, I pray you, your help.' The denotes an efficacy in the spirits themselves, and gives emphasis, as we have often seen to be its force, to the

Great Speech,' Pt. i., p. 1. On this same day he

delivered the address recorded in that Part. 癸亥陳于商郊—kwei-hae was

the 3rd of the 2d month, five days after mowwoo. From Măng-tsin to Show's capital was 400

le, so that Woo must have hurried on his army with great speed. 俟天休命the favourable decree' of Heaven was to be seen in the result of the impending battle, about which Woo felt quite confident. Gan-kwo says that this clause has reference to the ceasing of the

word that follows, so that 克柑子=help| rains which had fallen all the way from Mang

商四政大杵後前罔若味 以往有林爽

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容封由定

敵會受

間比舊乃戎 比倒 倒敵

散干釋反衣 衣血 戈于手率 戈于 其

鹿墓箕商天流我
臺式
式子政 政下

于師野旅

Shang, waiting for the gracious decision of Heaven. On the day këǎ-tsze, at early dawn, Show led forward his hosts like a forest, and assembled them in the wilderness of Muh. But they would offer no opposition to our army. Those in the front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled, and the blood flowed till it floated the pestles about. Thus did king Woo once don his arms, and the empire was greatly settled. He overthrew the existing government of Shang, and made it resume its old course. He delivered the count of Ke from prison, and raised a tumulus over the grave of Pe-kan. He bowed in his carriage at the gate of

tsin, so that they were able during the night to complete the order of battle. This view is at once far-fetched and shallow.

believing it.-'When the prince the most bene

volent was engaged against him who was the

most the opposite, how could such a thing be?'

It gives, no doubt, an exaggerated description

of the slaughter which took place. 杵

means

甲子昧 -see the 'Speech at Muh,' p. 1. 其旅 若林會于牧野–see the She King, the wooden pestles of the mortars, which the Pt. IHI, Bk. I. Ode II., 7, 殷商之旅其 會如林矢于牧野

Sze-ma

Ts'een says that Show's army amounted to 700,000 men, which is doubtless a great exag

We need not suppose. as some do (see a note in

soldiers carried with them to prepare their rice.

the 集傳 by 蔡清), that they were

the pestles used for pounding the earth in making the intrenchments. Maou K'e-ling prefers the reading of 鹵, 'shields,' for 午 Tsuh (梅鷟) would save the credit of Mencius at the expense of the classic. If, he

geration. 敵于我師,the historian identifies himself with Woo's army. 以 Mei 北一北一奔, ‘to flee' Ts'een gives a difft.

account of the battle. At least he makes no mention of Show's troops falling upon one another, but says that Woo sent his general Shang-foo, with a hundred of the most daring warriors, to dash forward at the head of a large body. Show's army.had no mind to fight, but really wished king Woo to penetrate their host. They therefore inverted their lances, and made way for his men. They in fact all revolted from Show, who fled at once to the "Stag tower." This account is not reconcileable, however, with the statement which follows about the blood flowing till it floated the pestles of the mortars.'

The remarks of Mencius on the passage一血

流漂杵 are well known. He attests (VII.

Pt. III., iii.) that the Completion of the War,

argues, it had appeared, as in the present text, that the slaughter was occasioned by Show's troops turning against one another, there would have been no occasion for the philosopher's remark. The forger of Tsin evidently constructed his text that king Woo might not appear chargeable with the bloodshedding, which Mencius supposed might be attributed to him! It is much more natural to believe that Mencius, in the impulse of his ardent nature, spoke as he did,-unadvisedly. 一戎衣-tonce he put on his martial garb.' See in the Doctrine

of the Mean,' xviii., 2.

IX., P, 4. 殷Bk.

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Comp. also on 殪戎

反商政he

turned back the govt. of Shang,' i.e., he took

away the oppressive laws of Show, and then–

contained such a passage, but protests against followed the old govt.' i.c., the

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下報惇五位惟 列 而粟之 治。功信教事 爵萬大財 垂明惟惟建惟 賚發 拱義食能官五悦于鉅 而崇喪重惟分服四橋 天德祭民賢土○海之

Shang Yung's village. He dispersed the treasures of Luh-t'ae, and distributed the grain of Keu-k'eaou, thus conferring great gifts throughout the empire, and all the people joyfully submitted. 10 He arranged the orders of nobility into five, assigning the territories to them on a threefold scale. He gave offices only to the worthy, and employments only to the able. He attached great importance to the people's being taught the duties of the five relations of society, and to take care for food, for funeral ceremonies, and for sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the empire was orderly ruled.

govt. of Tang and the other good sovereigns | Jo-keu absurdly says that this is different from who succeeded him.

釋箕子囚封 比干墓一 –see the concluding note to the ·Viscount of Wei.. 式商容 式,

see Con. Ana.. X., xvi., 3. Shang Yung must have been some worthy in disgrace with Show, and living retired in his village. Ying-ta quotes some account of him from Hwang-p'oo Meih's

he account of Mencius. It is different, how

ever, from the account which we find in the

Chow Le, Bk. IX.,(地官·大司徒
There the orders of nobility are five, as in Men-

cius, but the divisions of territory are also five.
To the Kung, it is said, there were assigned 500
le square; to the How, 400; to the Pih, 300; to
the Tsze, 200; and to the Nan, 100. I don't see
how the two accounts are to be reconciled. If
it be said that the five-fold territorial division
was made by the duke of Chow at a subsequent

帝王世記, but it is the production of a 散鹿臺之財發鉅 period, which is the view of Kang-shing,why 橋之粟-of the (Stag tower, we have

later age.

did not Mencius advert to it? If it be said,

that the larger dimensions arose from the usur

spoken. Keu-k'eaou was in the north east of pations of the States among themselves, which is the view of Ying-tă, how is it that they have

the pres. dis. of Keuh-chow (曲周), dep. of Kwang-ping (廣平). Chih-le, where Show

had collected great stores of grain. These two measures were directed to the benefit of the

masses of the people, impoverished by the exactions of the tyrant.

any place in the Chow Le? 建官惟賢, 位事能−the historian proceeds to

Woo's provisions for the officers about his court. His object was to have none in office but men of talents and virtue, and that each man's duties

P.10. 列爵惟五分土惟三, should be those for which he was specially able.

this agrees with the account of the arrangement of dignities and emoluments determined

by the House of Chow, given by Mencius, Book

重民五教惟食喪祭

Gan-kwo explained the former of these clauses

V., Pt. II., ii. The orders of nobility were the by inserting an 與 between 民 and 五教

Kung, How, Pih, Tsze and Nan, to the two first of which were assigned a hundred le square of territory, each, while the Pih had 70, and the Tsze and the Nan only 50 le square each. Yen

-'he attached importance to the people, and to the inculcation of the five duties.' This is not so good as to take to be under the regimen

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