This total, too, requires some remark, as it is incorrect. The numbers are taken as standing in three sections: 334 for Darmstadt; 650 (really only 647) for Homburg, Nassau, and Issenburg; and the remaining figures, which amount to 2993, for Wurtemberg and Durlach. The final total, which omits the two colonies where the figures are uncertain, is given as 3,600. As 647 and 2993 alone amount to a little more than this number it is evident that the 334 of Darmstadt has been overlooked in the addition. The exact grand total is 3974. Extract of ye Letters & memorials of ye Vaudois settled in Germany, dated May last. At their first coming from Piemont in 1698 they made but nine congrega'ons, & now they make 20, viz: DARMSTAD, 2; HODENWALT, 3 hamlets. 8 Not identified. There was a Vaudois settlement at Schönberg, also called Les Muriers, near Dürments, in the kingdom of Wurtemburg, where Henr Arnaud died in 1721. Poole says 'I know not where to find Holzappel and Haselborn, Huguenot colonies.' 10 Waechters bach. 11 Waldensberg. 12 Offenbach. They live almost by them selves, not wth the people of ye Country, 1 Dürmentz, or Le Queyras. 2 ? Knitlingen, or Grand Villar, or Gros Villar. 3 Wiernsheim, or Pinache. Wurmberg, or Lucerna. 6 Canstadt. ? Brackenheim, or Nordhausen. One part was also called Mentoul, the other Fenestrelle. Not identified. 8 Sic. 11 Gochsheim. 5 Heimsheim, or Pérouse. 10 Id. 12 Query-Welsch Neureuth; but this is said by Muston to be near Waldorf in Hesse-Darmstadt. 13 Not identified. In Barracks and timber houses they are a building, few in hired houses. They have begun every were a Church, a school, a vicarige; but none yet finished. Most of them Plowmen, and few trades-men, whereas ye franch amongst ym are most trade man. Their soyl barren land, woody, wch they manure, no grass field, there fore little cattle. They have de friché a great deal of land. Their Ministers & schoolmasters assigned for their living on ye pension of ye English Court, settled for yt purpose in 1689, ye most necessitous of all, because it is wanting for these three years past. Where as those assigned on ye pension of Holland have bin always punctually paid 40 yearly to a Minister & school master. Their Souverains very gracious to ym Each Colony Chuse his magistrates, and is governed by ye Minister, ye Mayor (called Syndic), ye Ancients, & Syndics. They seem pretty Secured from ye Franch ravages, being separated from them by woods, rivers, five days journey, & an Army. The Charities have bin distributed to them by an Eminent March', Pious & most affectionate, at Francfort, Mr Isaac Behagel, who writt yt he can be nolongher at ye Toyll thereof, but he must be desired to continue, no other being able to doe it soe faithfully & carefully. [Endorsed.] Extract of the Letters & Mem's of the Vaudois Settled in Germany. III. HUGUENOT PRISONERS AT DOVER. On two previous occasions we have given instances of Huguenots being captured at sea by English men-of-war and brought as prisoners to this country, in the one case to Dover1 and in the other to Plymouth. We now give another instance of similar prisoners being brought to the former port, and in connection with it there are a few points to which attention may be directed. In the first example, where the prisoner was taken Proceedings, Vol. ii. p. 255. Ibid., Vol. iii, p. 344. 3 Home Office Papers, Admiralty, 1695-1697, Bundle 9, No. 196. into Dover in the year 1702, it was the Walloon Church of Canterbury that interfered to obtain his release. In the present case, where the prisoners were landed at Dover in 1695, it was the Church of the Savoy in London that interested itself on their behalf. This is somewhat strange, for at both dates there was a French Church at Dover-the fourth foreign congregation in that town whose history has been so ably told by Mr. Minet. The explanation of this may be that this little church, having regard to the proximity of Dover to France, may have considered it prudent in time of war with that country not to make itself prominent, especially by seeking the release of prisoners who might become spies; while in the case of the prisoners landed at Plymouth, that port being so much more remote from the continent, the foreign church there had no such scruples. Another point to be noticed is that the third foreign congregation of Dover was subordinated by the Colloquy to that of Canterbury,' and this, taken in conjunction with the fact that relatives of the prisoners of 1702, were member of the latter church, may explain why the fourth Dover Church left the initiative to Canterbury. On the present example however, it is a London church which takes action as the immediate superior of the Dover congregation, and it is the conformist French Church of the Savoy, not the non-conformist Walloon Church of Threadneedle Street, suggesting that the latter had lost its long exercised supremacy. A further point in this document is the most important onethe offer of the prisoners to serve in an English man-of-war. This is well worthy of notice, taken in conjunction with the certificate, printed in the case of the Plymouth prisoner, stating that the authorities had no instructions to release French Protestants except on the condition of their engaging to serve in the royal navy.2 None of these naval prisoners had been in the royal service of France. All French military prisoners, however, would have been so necessarily; still it is very possible that there was some such rule sanctioning their release too, especially as there were several regiments, composed solely of Huguenots, serving under the English colours which they could have joined. If this were the case it is probably that Dover contributed to their ranks, for an immense number of prisoners were confined there during Marlborough's campaigns as the French names scratched on the castle walls still bear witness.3 1 Proceedings, p. 294. 2 Ibid., p. 346. 3 For French and Dutch prisoners confined at Canterbury and Dover, in the time of the Commonwealth, see Proceedings, Vol. iii, p. 308, note 2. The remaining point to be noticed is that the prisoners were about to make on abjuration,' showing that under stress of circumstances they had been forced to give in their adhesion to the Roman Catholic religion, for it was but ten years subsequent to the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Nous Soubznes attestons que Daniel Du Bois. Raymond Artus, Jean Perdigrat, tous trois Natifs de St Savignan, ayant été pris dans vn Vaisseau Marchand par le Fregate nommé la Soldado, et ont été menés a Douvres ou yls sont prison'iers, lesquels nous ayant fait Scavoir qu'ils étoient néz en France de Pere et Mere de la Religion Protestante, et qu'ils benissent Dieu de les avoir fait prendre et conduire dans vn pays on yls puissent mettre leur conscience en repos, nous Supplions toutes les personnes auxquelles il appartiendra de vouloir leur donner la liberté de venir faire leur abjuration Suivant la coutume de nos Eglises, apres quoi, pour temoigner la Sincerité de leurs jntentions, ils Seront ravis de Servir le Roy dans quelqu'vn de ses Vaisseaux de Guerre, fait a Londre ce 14e. Xbre, 1695. Signé, DU BOURDIEU. T. SATUR. LA RIVIERE, Ministres de l'Eglise [Endorsed.] Copy of a Certift for 3 French prisoners at Dover, who desire to stay in England. 14 Dec., 1695. IV. PENSIONS PAID TO HUGUENOTS. Amongst the Treasury Papers1 of the year 1703 preserved in the Public Record Office, is a document containing the names of persons upon whom it apparently was intended to confer pensions. It is in two portions, endorsed respectively, 1st List and 2nd List' the former bearing a further endorsement of List of French 'Pentions.-From ye Earle of Galloway,' and both being signed by Edward Nicholas, Treasurer to the King. The first list is in two sections, the one containing the "French Pentions" is printed in full below, the other part, however, is not printed, as it comprises none but English names. The second list is dated July 19, 1703, 1 Treasury Papers, Vol. lxxxvi, No. 122. |