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yet been asked to any such Table as the hon. Member referred to; but one was being prepared by the two Archbishops and the Lord Chancellor, and the result would shortly be presented to the House.

ARMY-OFFICERS HOLDING CIVIL

APPOINTMENTS.-QUESTION.

MR. WHITE said, he would beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Why the List of Officers receiving Halfpay with Civil Appointments is not presented to Parliament, as it should be, in pursuance of the Statute 29 & 30 Vict. c. 91?

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON said, in reply, that the Return referred to by the hon. Member was made up to the 31st of March, and would have been laid on the table about the middle of April, but that the Easter Recess had occurred at an unusual period. It would be laid on the table, however, in the course of a few days.

loose packages were one parcel, while they themselves received from the individual consignors or consignees a separate payment for each, the difference between the two rates being their profit. This custom was productive of great convenience to the public in many places; but the railway companies complained that they were exposed to much trouble and risk in collecting and carrying articles of value of which they were frequently ignorant, and it was under consideration whether the case might not be fairly met either by some system of classification, or a small charge for the trouble and risk. But it never was the intention of the Government to interfere

with packed parcels properly so called, nor to place the carriers in a position different from that of any other consignor, though he admitted that apprehension on this latter ground was justifiable in consequence of the draughtsman not having fully understood his instructions.

MR. W. E. FORSTER said, he wished to know, whether it is the intention of the Board of Trade to take some steps for the

CARRIAGE OF PARCELS BY RAILWAY. purpose of informing the public of their

QUESTION.

MR. W. E. FORSTER said, he wished to ask the Vice President of the Board of Trade, Whether it is the intention of the Government to propose to the House during the Session any, and if any what, alteration in the Law affecting the carriage of parcels by Railways?

MR. STEPHEN CAVE said, in reply, that a clause in a Bill now under the charge of the President of the Board of Trade dealt with this subject, and he was glad to have this opportunity of removing a misconception which nothing in the clause, as originally drawn, warranted, though he admitted it required alteration in other respects. An idea had become prevalent that it was the Government's intention to change the law with respect to "packed" parcels, and to interfere with the practice of sending various articles to different consignees, packed within one inclosure. The Government never had any intention of the kind, but proposed to deal with another practice, that of a carrier collecting a variety of parcels of different descriptions and different values, and bringing all to the railway, in bulk as it were, unpacked and unassorted; large parcels of small value being mixed with small parcels of large value. For these, the carriers paid, in the aggregate, a low charge, as if these

present views in respect to the matter referred to?

MR. STEPHEN CAVE said, the question would come before the Board of Trade to-morrow. He thought that the answer which he had just given would be intelligible enough to the public.

DUKE OF EDINBURGH.
MOTION FOR AN ADDRESS.

MR. DISRAELI: Sir, in rising to make a Motion before the Orders of the day, I doubt not the House has anticipated its purpose. It is to move an Address to Her Majesty, expressing on the part of this House its sympathy with Her Majesty on that distressing intelligence which arrived on Saturday last, and which occasioned Her Majesty so much grief, and still occasions her so much anxiety. I am sure that mine will be the common voice, when I express the sorrow and indignation with which the House and the country heard of the attempt to assassinate His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh. If anything could aggravate the atrocity of that act it would be, I think, the circumstance under which it was perpetrated. His Royal Highness was visiting the most distant possessions of the Sovereign; he was-not in the letter, but to a certain degree, in the spirit-representing the Majesty of England; he had

present anxiety, and of their earnest hope for the speedy recovery of His Royal Highness."

MR. GLADSTONE: Sir, I rise for the purpose of seconding the Address which has just been moved by the right hon. Gentleman. I heartily concur-every man must concur, in the sentiment of sorrow and in the sentiment of indignation which are expressed in the terms of that Address. And we must all, I think, feel a sincere thankfulness to the Almighty who has been

tirely to paralyze the arm of the assassin, yet to prevent, at all events, as we trust, the fatal consequences at which the assassin aimed. Now, Sir, I do not know whe

elicited a sentiment of earnest enthusiasm, which, I am sure, must have touched the heart of this country, and he had commanded throughout the whole of his travels the reception which was due to his intelligence and to his cordial manners. At the very moment this act was perpetrated, he was fulfilling one of those offices which are the most graceful appanages of his illustrious rank; he was establishing a new charity and that charity, in favour of the noble profession to which he is devoted-pleased on this critical occasion-if not enin which, I may say, he has distinguished himself, and of which, I trust, he will live to be an ornament. It is impossible, in noticing this subject, to avoid referring to the cause of such an act. We live in anther, judging as I judge, merely from exage of progress, or we sometimes flatter pressions contained in the telegraphic inourselves that this is our happy fate. telligence, it would be wise or safe for me But there appear to be cycles of our pro- to assume as positively demonstrated that gress in which the worst passions and this foul and loathsome deed is connected habits of distant ages are revived. Some with Fenianism. If it be so, I am sorry centuries ago the world was tortured with to say it only adds another dark shadow the conviction that there was some mys- to the disgrace which previous acts of terious power in existence which could horror have brought on the name of that command in every camp, and court, and conspiracy. But whether that be so, or capital of the world, a poniard at its dis- whether it be not, it cannot in the main posal and devotion. It seems at this time. affect the sentiment with which I am sure too, that some dark confederacy of the this Address will be voted by the House. kind is spreading over the world. All I Every man who has the smallest share of can say is, I regret that, for a moment, human feeling must be profoundly moved, such acts should have been associated with on the one hand, at this new cause of the name of Ireland. I am convinced my- anxiety to Her Majesty, and, on the other, self, as I have stated before in this House, at the fact that Her Majesty has been that the imputation is unjust. I believe spared another deep and severe affliction that these acts and the characters who in the midst of that crushing affliction perpetrate them are the distempered which has darkened her days. And as consequences of civil wars, and disorgan- regards the Prince himself, undoubtedly ized societies; that when their dark inva- if anything could have disarmed the hand sion first touched the soil of Ireland-the of the criminal one would have thought nation, as a whole, entirely repudiated it would have been his youth, his great them. And the manner in which, in that intelligence, and the kindly and genial land, another son of the Queen has re- manners which have endeared him to all cently been received, has proved that the with whom he has been brought in conloyalty of the Irish nation is unchanged tact. This is a subject in which few words, and undiminished; and that those amiable I think, are best, the object being simply and generous feelings, which have always to convey to the foot of the Throne the been the characteristic of the people, dutiful and loyal assurance of sentiment flourish with the same vigour that we have which we entertain in common. before recognized. I trust that, under only say, therefore, that I most cordially these circumstances, I may move- second the Motion of the right hon. Gentleman.

"That an humble Address be presented to Iler Majesty, to convey to Her Majesty the expression of the sorrow and indignation with which this House has learned the atrocious attempt to assassinate His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, while on a visit to Her Majesty's loyal Australian Colonies, and of their heartfelt con

gratulations to Iler Majesty on His preservation from mortal injury; and to assure Her Majesty of the sympathy of this House in Her Majesty's

I will

MR. WATKIN: It is stated that a more recent telegram has been received respecting the health of his Royal Highness, and announcing that the person who fired at him has been tried, found guilty, and sentenced to be hanged. I wish to know if that be true?

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Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That an hum- that I should not be doing my duty if I ble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to con- did not congratulate the House upon the vey to Her Majesty the expression of the sorrow and indignation with which this House has learned events that have occurred. I am sure the the atrocious attempt to assassinate His Royal House will agree with me that, as a feat Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, while on a visit of arms, it would be difficult, probably imto Iler Majesty's loyal Australian Colonies, and possible, to find its parallel for completeof their heartfelt congratulations to Her Majesty ness and for precision. Her Majesty's on His preservation from mortal injury; and to assure Her Majesty of the sympathy of this House troops the soldiers who have been enin Her Majesty's present anxiety, and of their gaged, and the great leader who directed earnest hope for the speedy recovery of His Royal the operations are, I think, equally enHighness. Mr. Disraeli.) titled to the gratitude which the House, I doubt not, will accord to them. Aud perhaps, as far as the soldiers are concerned, the House will allow me to read a passage at the same time as the recent intelligence, from a letter of Sir Robert Napier received but written before the last advance. He says-this is written on the 23rd—

To be presented by Privy Councillors.

ABYSSINIAN EXPEDITION.-QUESTION. MR. LAYARD: Perhaps I may be allowed to ask a Question of some importance of the Secretary of State for India. I do not ask whether the official Report which has appeared in the papers with regard to the attack upon Magdala and the release of the captives is true there can be no doubt of that but whether there is any other information which he can communicate to the House. I trust the House will permit me to offer my congratulations to the right hon. Gentleman on the triumphant success of the expedition, and to express the admiration which I am certain this House feels for the skill, the forethought, and the prudence displayed by Sir Robert Napier, and for the gallantry and devotion of the troops under his command?

MR. DISRAELI: I rise, Sir, at the desire of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for India to offer a few observations to the House upon this subject. This certainly is a topic which we can approach with unmixed satisfaction. Her Majesty's Government took the most extensive means that they could yesterday to ensure that the news of the success of Her Majesty's arms should be known as widely as possible; but it is the unanimous wish of my Colleagues, and it will, I am sure, be more respectful to the House though I have no further news to communicate that I should in a formal manner confirm the authenticity of the statement which has been made. It will be my duty shortly to propose a Motion by command of Her Majesty, in connection with this subject, which will give to hon. Gentlemen every opportunity of expressing their opinions; and on the present occasion, as there is no Motion before the House, I shall make very few additional observations. But in communicating to the House the authenticity of this information I feel

--

"All the troops are well, and evince a most admirable spirit, emulating each other in cheerful devotion to the interests of the expedition. Officers and men alike deserve every praise." So much for the character of the troops as given by the general. What shall we say of the general himself? On another occasion we may touch upon a career which, upon many occasions, has been so eminent. But with regard to the present expedition, let me say, for myself, that when you consider its particular character, the march of 400 miles into an unknown country, the providence, the sagacity, the patience, and, above all, the firmness of the commander, it resembles more than any other event in history that I can compare it with the advance of Cortez into Mexico. But there is this fortunate difference between the Abyssinian Expedition and the great invasion of Cortez-that we did not enter Abyssinia to despoil the innocent, but in a spirit of justice, humanity, religion, and civilization, and that we are about now to vacate the country in a manner which will prove to the world the purity of our purpose.

COLONEL SYKES: Is it true that King Theodore was found dead; and, if so, in what manner did he meet with his death?

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE: He was found dead, but we have no information as to the manner of his death.

ESTABLISHED CHURCH (IRELAND).
COMMITTEE.

Order for Committee read.
Acts considered in Committee.
(1.) Question again proposed,

"That it is necessary that the Established Church of Ireland should cease to exist as an

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said, an independent Member who proposes an Amendment to a Resolution which partakes more or less a party character, generally places himself in a dilemma, for he obtains the disapprobation of his friends, and the more dangerous approbation of his opponents. He was fortunate in having, since giving Notice of the Amendment or rather, preface to the Resolutions, heard the speech in which the right hon. Gentleman extended the scope of his Resolutions.

The Resolutions seemed to indicate that the

And in his works, speaking of the Irish people, he said.

They see a Church richly supported by the spoils of their own Church Establishment, in whose tenets not one-tenth part of the people believe. Is it possible to believe this can endure ?" He (Mr. Watkin) believed with Dr. Arnold that it could not endure. But then comes the question-how far the right hon. Gentleman can proceed under present circumstances? Household suffrage will make a far wider and wiser settlement of the whole

Irish question than this Parliament can accomplish. This Parliament ought not to be kept alive to serve any party purpose. And the country would not be satisfied unless an assurance be given by either the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister Lancashire-who may be Prime Minister or by the right hon. Member for South in a few weeks-that the Reformed Parliament shall be called together at the earliest possible period next year, in order to deal with the whole question of Ireland.

is proposed addition enforced this condition. He did not believe any Minister will commit the mistake of dissolving this Parliament on the question. The House will sired to throw no impediment in the way; no doubt pass the Resolutions, and he deand as the hon. Baronet (Sir Frederick Heygate) has given notice of an Amendment which will raise the whole question of Establishments, he (Mr. Watkin) would not move the Amendment of which he had given Notice.

could be treated as an Irish question. It MR. GORST said, he did not think this of this country. He did not wonder at the was one which deeply affected the people Irish Roman Catholic Members looking on this, as they did on all other questions, from a peculiarly Irish point of view. They

disestablishment of the Irish Church would be a settlement of the Irish Church question. He did not concur in that view, and he thought the House would be misleading the country if it expressed such an opinion. But the right hon. Gentleman in his speech said he meant to put an end to all endowment out of the funds of the State for the support of any sect or religion in Ireland. That was a distinct issue explicitly put. and the country would have to settle it. He had voted with the right hon. Gentleman the other night because there was nothing he could quarrel with in his Resolutions, except that they might have been more explicit; and if the right hon. Gentleman's speech could have been put from the Chair, a larger number of Members might vote for it than for the Resolutions. He had always looked upon the Irish Church as the greatest of all dangers to the English heretical one; that it did no social good Church; for the one a logical reason could be offered, for the other there was whole mass of the Irish people were against to the people of that country, and that the no argument but the power of a minority it. If Ireland were a separate country, to preserve it. The substitution of the they would not attempt to disestablish the voluntary system for the Establishment in Irish Church, but would simply change its Ireland would be a powerful means of religion and make it Roman Catholic. The starting afresh the Protestant religion in line of argument adopted by those Memthat country. A great Churchman and a bers was straightforward; but he would great man-Dr. Arnold, of Rugby-used point out to hon. Gentlemen that a civil war must take place before the Roman Catholic Church could be made the Established religion of Ireland. in toto to the assumption that this ought He objected to be treated as a purely Irish question. By doing so, indeed, the House would not

these words

"Whether Ireland remain in its present barbarism, or grow in wealth and civilization, in either case the downfall of the present Establishment is certain; a savage people will not endure the insult of a hostile religion; a civilized one will reasonably insist on having their own."

said, that the Irish Establishment was an

be going against the Act of Union, which | Member for Birmingham allow him to give they had power to repeal if they chose; one reason which seemed to him to be but the House would be acting in opposi- above all others that which led the people tion to the spirit of the age. He yielded of this country to uphold the Established to no man in his admiration of the Irish Church? It was because, of all our incharacter, which was high-spirited and stitutions, it was the most democratic. generous; but it was impossible to resist Although a great Reform Bill had been the revolution which railroads were making carried, there still existed in the State, in Ireland as well as in England. In a distinctions between the rich man and the country which could be travelled over from poor man, and between males and females. one extremity to the other in twenty four [Laughter.] That laughter convinced hours, it could hardly be doubted that men him that the latter distinction was likely and institutions would become alike; and to be long maintained. [Laughter.] Of he would ask hon. Gentlemen, who were course, he was merely speaking of distincacquainted with Ireland, whether it was tions in the State. In the Established not rapidly losing its distinctive character, Church, however, no distinction was made and becoming English. If, then, there between classes, but all alike could enter were a tendency to uniformity of character the churches and partake of the ceremo thoughout the United Kingdom, was it not nies. And not only so, but the ceremonies a reactionary step to create an anomaly by were the same for all. A marriage might having an Established Church in England, be surrounded with every pomp and luxury, and in Ireland a Government with no re- but within the Church the ceremony was ligion whatever? Was it likely that such the same for the wealthy as for the poor. an anomaly could be maintained perma- A general might be buried in a cathedral, nently? The great mass of the Liberal but the ceremony was the same as for the party knew full well that it could not and poorest man. For his own part, he had did not intend that it should; but they never held that it would make a great supported the present Resolutions, not for difference to the Church, whether it existed the purpose of destroying the Establish- as an Establishment or as a voluntary ment in Ireland, but for the purpose of association, although he did not share in laying hands on the Establishment in the desire entertained by some advanced England. If he had held such views he Churchmen of separation of Church and should have raised the real question at State. He thought, however, that the issue in a manly, straightforward way, State would be the great sufferer from instead of following the example of some disestablishment. It could not be expected Liberals who had had the falseness to that England could be governed like deny that they were aiming at disestab- America, or the Colonies, where no molishment of the Church of England. Some narchy was established; and it should be Liberals talked as though they were advo- borne in mind that the national religion cating reforms in the future; not because was bound up with all the traditions of the these reforms were in themselves right country. There had been periods in our and good, but for the purpose of punishing history when the national Church was the the Conservative party for its obstinacy. great safeguard of the liberties of the peoIt was the hon. Member for Birmingham ple; and her services were not yet forgotwho began that way of talking. They ten. They could not, in his opinion, disall understood that it was his fun, but establish the Church in any part of the there were plenty to follow him seriously United Kingdom, without striking a great in these opinions. Now, he maintained blow at true religion. It might be that that those who brought forward this ques- philosophers could conduct themselves and tion ought honestly to avow their inten- their affairs without religion, and that tions; but the reason the Liberal party for them enlightened self-interest was a had not done so was because the people of sufficient guide; but common and unphithis country, and especially the poorer losophical men, who were now supreme classes, were firmly attached to the Estab- in this country, would hardly be able lished Church. He had no doubt that to govern themselves justly without the many mistook the voice of a few persons principle of religion embodied in public out-of-doors and of a few newspapers-a affairs-in other words, without the prinvoice put forth merely for the purpose of ciple of an Established Church. After ascertaining public opinion-for that of the all, it was of no use attempting to decide people of this country. Would the hon. a question of this kind by reason; for it

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