of the former never exceed thirty-nine, whilst those of the latter amount to from one to two hundred to the square mile.

"Having now, sir, (in a most imperfect manner, I admit) attempted to depict some of the many evils of slavery which we already experience, let us inquire what must be the ultimate consequence of retaining them among us. To my mind the answer to this inquiry must be both obvious and appalling. It is, sir, that the time will come, and at no distant day, when we shall be involved in all the horrors of a servile war, which will not end until both sides have suffered much-until the land shall every where be red with human blood, and until the slaves or the whites are totally exterminated. Shall I be told, sir, that these are unfounded apprehensions-that they are nothing but the exaggerations of a heated imagination? Such a reply will not convince me that I am in an error, or satisfy that numerous class of our fellow-citizens who concur in the op nions I have expressed. Let not gentlemen put "the Aattering unction to their souls" that it is the voice of fear, and not of reason, which is calling on them from every quarter of this commonwealth, to remove from the land the heavy curse of slavery. If, sir, gentlemen will listen to the remarks I am about to make on this branch of the subject, I humbly hope that I shall succeed in satisfying them, if there be any truth in history, and if the time has not arrived when causes have ceased to produce their legitimate results, that the dreadful catastrophe in which I have predicted our slave system must result, if persisted in, is as inevitable as any event which has not already transpired.

"I lay it down as a maxim not to be disputed, that our slaves, like all the rest of the human race, are now, and will ever continue to be, actuated by the desire of liberty-and it is equally certain, that, whenever the proportion of slaves in this state, to our white population, shall have become so great as to inspire them with the hope of being able to throw off the yoke, that then an effort will be made by them to effect that object. What the proportion between the slaves and the freemen must be which will embolden the former to make such, an attempt, it is not material for me to inquire; for if it be admitted that any disproportion, however great, will have that effect, it is susceptible of the clearest demonstration that it must be made within a period so short that many of us may expect to witness it. And I need not go into an inquiry whether or not such an attempt can, at any time, or under any circumstances, be attended with success; for it is certain, that whenever it is made, it will be the beginning of a servile war; and from what we know of human nature generally, and from what we hear of the spirit manifested by both parties in the late Southampton rebellion, it is very evident that such a war must be one of extermination, happen when it will.

Taking it for granted that the positions I have taken cannot be shaken or controverted, I proceed to make a statement of facts, and to submit a table I have made out containing several calculations, showing the relative increase of the white and colored population in Eastern Virginia, and in the counties of Brunswick and Halifax in the last forty years, to the consideration of the house; and from which I expect to be able to prove very satisfactorily-First, that the colored population are rapidly gaining on the whites-Secondly, that that gain must be much more rapid in time to come than it has been in times past—And, thirdly, that in a short period the proportion of the slaves to the whites, must become so great, that the consequences which I have predicted, and which are so much to be deprecated, must ensue.———

"I have so far, Mr. Speaker, confined my attention to the injurious and dangerous consequences of slavery as they affect the white population exclusively: I must now take a short view of slavery as it affects the slaves themselves. "That all men are by nature free and equal," is a truth held sacred by every American, and by every republican throughout the world. And presume it cannot be denied in this Hall, as a general principle, that it is an act of injustice, tyranny, and oppression, to hold any part of the human race in bondage against their consent. That circumstances may exist which put it out of the power of the owners for a time to grant their slaves liberty, I admit to

be possible; and if they do exist in any case, it may excuse, but not justify the owner in holding them. The right to the enjoyment of liberty is one of those perfect, inherent, and inalienable rights, which pertain to the whole human race, and of which they can never be divested except by an act of gross injustice. I may be told, sir, as an argument in favor of retaining our slaves, that their condition is preferable to that of the laboring class of people in Europe. And, sir, it will afford me the most heart-felt satisfaction to declare my belief, that such is the fact; at all events, it is certain that slavery exists in a milder form than it has done in any other portion of the world. But at the same time it must be remembered that slavery is at best but an intolerable evil, and can never be submitted to, except from stern necessity. It must also be confessed, that although the treatment of our slaves is, in the general, as mild and humane as it can be, that it must always happen that there will be found hundreds of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is almost intolerable, and at which humanity revolts. But even if slavery was not injurious to ourselves, and the condition of the slave was ten times as happy as it is, it is enough for us to know that we have no right to hold them against their consent, to induce us to make a vigorous effort to send them from among us. Liberty is too dear to the heart of man ever to be given up for any earthly consideration. One of the most distinguished orators that this country ever produced, said at a time of imminent peril; "Give me liberty or give me death;" and I cannot believe there is one member of this house who would not rather meet death, "with all his sins full blown upon his head," and with the liveliest anticipations of those ills which lie beyond the grave, than tỏ submit to slavery, even in its mildest form. No consideration, then, arising out of the humanity with which slaves are treated in this country can have any weight with me: for palliate it and soften it as you will, it is a monster on which freeman cannot look without abhorrence.

"I must, before I take my seat, be permitted to view this subject of slavery in yet another aspect. Let me inquire, sir, what must be the estimation in which we shall be held by foreign nations, if we fail even to make an effort to send our slaves to some country where they may enjoy the blessings of liberty? Is it not due, sir, to our character, as a moral, a just, a sincere, and a magnanimous people, that we should yield obedience to those principles contained in our Bill of Rights, and which we have solemnly declared to be applicable to, and obligatory on, all mankind? Can we be justified in the eyes of man, or of Heaven, in withholding from our Negroes rights which we have declared to be the common property of all the human race, and that, too, in violation of the fundamental principles of our own government? What must be thought of the zeal which we profess to feel in behalf of those nations which have been struggling for freedom across the ocean? Will not the admiration we expressed at the heroic

exertions of the Parisians, in their recent struggle for liberty, and the sympathy we professed to feel for the suffering Polanders, be regarded as mere hypocrisy and dissimulation by those who know we do not practise the doctrines which we preach? It matters not, sir, whether oppression be exercised over a few individuals, or over many millions; it is as much tyranny in the one case as the other; and, in a moral point of view, the Autocrat of Russia is not more deserving the name of a tyrant for having sent his hordes of barbarians to plant the blood-stained banner of despotism upon the walls of Warsaw, amid the ruins of all that was dear to freemen, than the petty tyrant in any other quarter of the globe, who is equally regardless of the acknowledged rights of man. It is due, not only to our own character, but to the reputation of our ancestors, that we should make a determined effort to free our country from the odium of slavery. On the 29th day of June, 1776, our ancestors, in order to escape the odium which would attach to them in the estimation of foreigners, as the owners of slaves, solemnly declared in the preamble to the Constitution which they then adopted, that the King against whom they were then in rebellion, had prevented them from excluding Negroes from ameng them by law, by an inhuman use of his negative; and assigned that as one of the grounds on which they justified their rebellion. Should we now refuse even to consider of the means of sending from among us those very slaves whom our ancestors expressed so much anxiety to have excluded trom the state, every intelligent foreigner will conclude, either that our forefathers grossly calumniated the King of England, or that we are the degenerate offspring of more worthy ancestors."

The whole speech is too long for our pages. The extracts appear to disadvantage, not being supported with the tabular views and facts illustrative of some of the more important positions taken. But in its moral attitude, the question as discussed in the speech, stands before our readers. To this especially we call their attention; for as the old adage says, "Honesty is the best policy," so true it is that morality is the best state policy, and the safest and shortest way to national wealth, dignity, and prosperity. Righteousness exalts a nation, lut injustice is a reproach to any people.

EDITOR.

COLONY IN LIBERIA.

THE foundation of the American Colonization Society was laid in 1816, by the efforts of the Rev. Robert Finley, of New Jersey. Many members of Congress and other gentlemen, persuaded by his arguments, and invited by his zeal, supported the object; but the great body of the people, both in the North and in the South, viewed the project as a mad and chimerical enterprize. The North viewed it as a scheme of the slaveholders to rid themselves of the free colored

population, that they might rivet slavery more securely; the South imagined it a deep-laid scheme to liberate slaves.

Agents were sent to Africa to examine the western coast, and select a site for the intended colony. For the first five years but little could be done." At different times the colony became nearly ruined forever-was reduced to great distress, and the project well nigh abandoned.

In 1821 a tract of territory was bought of the natives and called Liberia. This territory, whose central point is Cape Mesurado, or Montserado, is situated 5 degrees north of the equator, 250 miles south of Sierra Leone. It extends along the coast about 150 miles, and reaches into the interior one day's journey, or from 20 to 30 miles. It is separated from the interior by a tract of heavy timber. Rivers of some size water the country. Immediately back of Monrovia, it resembles the barrens of Illinois, being covered with scattering shrubs, and a heavy coat of grass and weeds, from 6 to 10 feet in height. The soil is extremely fertile. Cotton grows spontaneously. The native tribes in the interior are feeble and friendly. The colony now has a population of nearly 3000 souls, who live in their own houses, and on their own farms, which they cultivate, and carry on all the pursuits of an agricultural and commercial people. Ten years only have elapsed since the purchase of the territory.

The chief city is called Monrovia, in honor of the President under whose administration the colony was established. It is situated on Cape Mesurado, and contairs about 100 houses, 3 churches, and 800 inhabitants.

The houses are generally well built, and the city is elevated 70 feet above the sea, where the inhabitants enjoy refreshing sea breezes. The streets are 100 feet wide, and cross each other at right angles. The climate is mild, and the thermometer does not vary more than from 68 to 78 degrees. The harbor of Monrovia is formed by the mouth of the river Montserado, and is suitable for vessels of moderate size.

The commerce of the place is already considerable, and increasing. Some of the inhabitants have acquired property of from 15,000 to 20,000 dollars.

Caldwell is a settlement 7 miles north, on the river St. Paul. This town is laid off on one street, one mile long, and ornamented with two rows of banana and plantain trees, with the fields lying in the rear.

Between Monrovia and Caldwell is another settlement of thirty families. On the opposite side of Stockton bay live 400 Africans who have been taken from slave ships.

Millsburg is situated 25 miles east from Monrovia, contains 200 inhabitants, and is increasing by new colonists

A regular government and police are established. The executive and supreme power is vested in the hands of the society, and conducted by their agent. A court of justice is composed of the agent and two subordinate judges, which sits monthly. The crimes generally are theft, committed, with few exceptions, by the natives who live within the bounds of the colony. The people elect the magis

trates and inferior officers. Trial is by jury. The laws and judicial proceedings are few and simple, but found to be adequate to the wants of the colony.

Morality and religious feeling predominate in the colony. The Baptists are the most numerous and influential. The Methodists rank next-and the Presbyterian society is small.

An American captain states, that in three weeks which he spent in the colony, he saw no one drunk, nor heard a profane oath. Another white man, who lived seven years at Liberia, says he saw only one fight, which resulted from a political quarrel with a man from Sierra Leone. Instruction in common schools is general, and some are taught higher branches. A public library is established at Monrovia, and a monthly journal published, which has 500 subscribers. Considerable trade is carried on. The articles of export amount to seventy thousand dollars a-year. Rice, palm oil, ivory, gold dust, shells, iron, and coffee, raised by the colonists, are exported. Already the farmers of Caldwell hold agricultural meetings to discuss the best methods of tillage.

For the defence of the colony, the government has 20 field pieces, 100 muskets, and six volunteer companies of militia, of 500 men.

In fine, this colony has experienced less disaster, and fewer deaths, than the early settlement of either of the old thirteen colonies, which now compose the United States; and we hail the day with joyful anticipation, when a nation of christian republicans or freemen, teeming with many millions of souls, will overspread this portion of the African continent, and diffuse the blessings of civilization and christianity throughout that ill-fated and unhappy country.

OBITUARY NOTICE.

[Western Pioneer.]

IN a Nashville paper, of the 14th ultimo, the death of OBADIAH JENNINGS, D. D. is announced. Mr. Jennings was considered at the head of the bar in his circuit while a lawyer; and while a Presbyterian preacher he ranked high, both in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and latterly in Tennessee. In his opposition to us in Nashville, in the close of the year '30, he exhibited a good deal of tact, ingenuity, and adroitness, as a disputant; and appeared to be well versed in the popular doctrines of the Presbyterian church, of which he was no doubt a sincere believer and a zealous preacher.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

ED. M.H.

SUNDRY communications, and among them some arguments for re-baptism, have been detained because of the crisis calling for some matters which now occupy much attention. As many of these communications as are of a general and interesting character, shall be attended to in our next. Several essays in our regular series have also been displaced for the reasons already assigned.