ted for these purposes, it was only necessary to recollect the words of the noble lord who proposed it: "that it had been a "measure long considered and maturely weighed." If that were the case, it was obvious, that it might have been brought forward in a time of tranquillity; and equally obvious, that it had been purposely postponed, till that desperate system had sufficiently worked upon the nation, to adapt it to the minister's will and pleasure. But the parliament had yet virtue enough to resist an act of national degradation. The British minister had better be aware of this system of treachery and fraternization; it was by the very same means, and for the very same objects, that the French Republic had over-run all Europe; and with the very same system, and for the very same purposes that she had assailed Ireland. A desperate example to the British empire, and an attempt unworthy of the generosity and character of the British nation!

The compact between Great Britain and Ireland was not all on one side. She took Irish linens; Ireland fed her fleets. She protected Irish trade; Ireland gave her soldiers. There was no nation on earth would not be proud of their connection on the same terms. It never, therefore, should be said, that the dependance was solely on one side. England might ruin Ireland; but in doing so, she would destroy herself: and she is too wise and too cunning to suppose, that a wounded limb could give vigour to an enfeebled body. He said, that on the abstract question he was clear and decided; the discussion of detail admitted a principle, which he was determined to resist by every means and to every extremity. He declared his sentiments openly, boldly, and decisively, that no terms which Great Britain could grant, no favour she could bestow, could form any compensation for the loss of their independence and security; and though he had on most subjects freely and zealously given his support to the king's government, on that question no earthly consideration could ever console him for surrendering the honour, the security, and the liberties of his country.

Sir J. Blaquiere in strong terms resisted the charges of undue influence, and corruption, made by the honorable member against the administration; observing how completely that charge was refuted, by the conduct and speeches of so many gentlemen, the reputed friends of government. Was it he asked, possible, that any tranquillity could be expected in the land, whilst so many causes of discontent and dissatisfaction among the people remained? Were not the Catholics looking for emancipation; the Presbyterians for reform; a great bulk of the people for a regulation of tithes? Did not all these discontents aggregated to gether, and abetted by the machinations of the united societies, make a formidable enemy in their bosom? There were not two

ways of meeting it. The honourable member who proposed amendment, with a flow of such transcendant eloquence, as had seldom been heard in that house, had expressly stated, that the Roman Catholics must oppose the Union. He knew not the mind of Catholics upon the subject; but he should speak his own :...That the Roman Catholics, under the present order of things, could never be accommodated, as he feared, with what they asked, without imminent danger to the Protestant establishment, both in church and state; but if once an Union should be adopted, all those difficulties would vanish, and he should see none in granting them every thing they desired. What the sentiments of government upon that subject were, he knew not; he spoke his own.

Remove these difficulties, unite with England, and see the proud ground on which Ireland was placed. Ireland, geographically and physically considered, stood pre-eminently before all other nations, the fit mart or emporium of the known world. She embarked in the inviting commerce, aided by English capitals, without taxes, and without a debt, whilst all the other nations of Europe were sinking under their burthens. Peace among themselves, and security against the common enemy, was all he desired: and if any man would shew other means, by which those objects could be obtained, he would vote against the Union; ....but gentlemen knew it was impossible.

Mr. Dobbs declared, that the system of governing Ireland by corruption, had filled them with disgust and indignation. The horrors of the late rebellion, and the dreadful animosities still existing, inclined them to listen to any thing likely to tranquillize the country. He had never for a moment considered a legislative Union but an evil; and he had only hesitated whether, by accepting it, he might not avoid a greater. With these feelings, he had given the subject a full and dispassionate investigation; the result was a decided opinion, that Great Britain could propose no terms that Ireland ought to accede to.

The noble lord had said, if it be the wish of the people and parliament, that the measure should be adopted, it ought to be acceded to. That he did not deny. But that sense should be fully ascertained, without compulsion, or undue influence of any kind. Now, as far as the voice of the people had been yet col. lected, it was decidedly against it; and nothing but force, actual or implied, with the aid of undue influence, could carry the measure against Irish independence. What signified declarations of consulting parliament and the people, when actions, the best of all testimonies, spoke coercion and undue influence? Two gentlemen, high in office, had been turned out, because they expressed a will of their own on this great question, in terrorem to all who held offices, from which they could be dismissed. He

had a partiality for the present adminitsration; but a conduct of that nature would turn that partiality into enmity. He told the noble lord, that if the measure were carried by such means, against the public sentiment, he was not uniting, but separating the two countries.

He openly avowed, that though he had hitherto been the warm friend of English connection, he would meditate separation, from the moment that a legislative Union should be carried by force, whether that force were direct or implied.

Mr. Knox (member for Philipstown) lamented, that that accursed measure had long been the favourite object of that minister in England, whose wild ambition had already led to the destruction of empires; and which then sought to annihilate that nation. In order to forward that wicked scheme, great pains had been taken by those, who managed the affairs of government under his guidance, to promote and keep alive among the people every distinction of party and religion, all differences of opinion whether in politics or religion had been industriously fomented and encouraged, and every means taken to distract and divide the inhabitants of that land. If that fatal measure should ever be carried, henceforth that insulted, degraded, debased country would be made a barrack, a depot from whence to draw the means of enslaving Great Britain, and no resource left to save either country but a revolution.

Mr. Hans Hamilton declared that an Union was a measure he should ever firmly oppose within those walls with his vote, without them with his life; but he foresaw that the hour was at hand, that would prove this to be the most glorious day that Ireland had ever beheld, and that would enable the members to go forth to their constituents, and to assure them they were represented by an Irish parliament, that never would betray their independence.

Sir J. Freke also spoke in support of the amendment.

Lord Castlereagh felt, that in justice to himself and to his country he ought to state his reasons for favouring the measure of a legislative Union with Great Britain. He had listened with patient attention to much heated declamation, but had heard very little sound reasoning. He had heard imputations cast against his side of the house, that might have been retorted, but for the interference of more refined manners.

His lordship trusted, that no man would decide on a measure of such importance as that in part before the house, on private or personal motives; for if a decision were thus to be influenced, it would be the most unfortunate that could ever affect the country. What was the object of this measure, but such as every loyal man, who really loved his country, must feel the strongest

VOL. V.

attachment to; by an incorporation of their legislature with that of Great Britain, it would not only consolidate the strength and glory of the empire, but it would change their internal and local government to a system of strength and calm security, instead of being a garrison in the island. That was but a part of many and numerous advantages, which the stage of the business did not then render necessary to be entered into, and which would come more suitably at a future period. As to the argument of the parliament's incompetency to entertain the question, he did not expect to hear such an argument from constitutional lawyers, or to hear advanced the position, that a legislature was not at all times competent to do that, for which it could only have been instituted; the adoption of the best means to promote the general happiness and prosperity. After the melancholy state, to which that country had been reduced, his majesty's ministers would feel that they abdicated their duty to the empire, if they did not seriously consider that state, and adopt the best remedy for the evils which it comprised. It was the misfortune of that country to have in it no fixed principles, on which the human mind could rest: no one standard, to which the different prejudices of the country could be accommodated. What was the

price of connection at present with Great Britain? A military establishment far beyond their natural means of support, and for I which they were indebted to Great Britain, which was also obliged to guarantee their public loans. It was not by flattery, that the country could be saved. Truth, however disagreeable, must be told; and if Ireland did not boldly look her situation in the face, and accept that Union which would strengthen and secure her, she would perhaps have no alternative, but to sink into the embrace of French fraternity. You talk, said his lordship, of national pride and independence, but where is the solidity of this boast? You have not the British constitution, nor can you have it consistently with your present species of connection with Great Britain. That constitution does not recognize two separate and independent legislatures under one crown. The greater country must lead; the less naturally follow, and must be practically subordinate in imperial concerns: but this necessary and beneficial operation of the general will must be preceded by establishing one common interest.

As the pride of Ireland advanced with her wealth, it might happen, that she would not join Great Britain in her wars. It was only a common policy, that would make that certain. Incorporate with Great Britain, and you have a common interest and common means. If Great Britain call for your subjection, resist it: but if she wish to unite with you on terms of equality, it is madness not to accept the offer. Gentlemen had distinguished the case of Scotland from that of Ireland; but they were directly

the same. All questions had arguments no both sides: the least evil was to be chosen. One objection to the measure was, that the legislature would not be local. For that reason the measure should be adopted. With a local legislature, and the present division of the people, Ireland could not go on. Other objections arose: but they all terminated in local prejudice or pride, and all of them that had been started, discussed and refuted in the case of Scotland. Absentees formed another objection. They would be somewhat increased, no doubt, by an Union: but the evil would be compensated by other advantages, and among them by the growth of an intermediate class of men between the landlord and the peasant: a class of men, whose loss was felt in Ireland, to train the mind of the lower class. These an Union would bring over from England. They would also have capital from thence. And as to emigration, the difficulty and expence would counteract that evil. At all events, these inconveniencies would be but a grain of sand compared with the advantages, which would be derived from internal security and their growing together in habits of amity and affection.

A

He concluded by professing himself attached to the measure only by the love of his country, and his conviction that the interests of that country would be promoted permanently and effectually by an incorporation of the two legislatures.

Colonel Gilbert King felt it to be the duty he owed his constituents, his country and himself to vote for the amendment and against the Union whenever it should be brought forward.

Mr. Plunket spoke with great warmth. He congratulated them on the candid avowal of the noble lord who just sat down; he had exposed the project in its naked hideousness and deformity; he had told them that the necessity of sacrificing their independence, flowed from the nature of their connection; it was now avowed that the measure did not flow from any temporary cause; that it was not produced in consequence of any late rebellion, or accidental disturbance in the country; that its necessity did not arise from the danger of modern political innovations, or from recent attempts of wicked men to separate their country from Great Britain; no, they were now informed by the noble lord, that the condition of their slavery was engrafted on the principles of their connection, and that by the decrees of fate Ireland had been doomed a dependant colony from her cradle. After that barefaced avowal, there could be little difference of opinion: He trusted that every honest man, who regarded the freedom of Ireland, or who regarded the connection with England, would by his vote on that night refute the unfounded and seditious doctrine. He had borne arms to crush the wretches who propagated the false and wicked creed, "that British con.