a 'cello. Two strings were tuned in unison, acting as pedal-points, and never fingered; the third was tuned a fifth higher and fingered. Very much later violins, violas, and 'cellos were introduced from abroad.

(b) Wind.-Trumpets are mentioned as early as the 11th century. Wood-wind instruments also occur early. The most ancient seems to be the dudki, or pipe, with the mouthpiece at the end. Double-pipes (svirely) are still used in White Russia; these are two pipes lashed together, one being shorter than the other; a development from this was the tsevnitsa, the Greek rûpty, seven pipes in one frame.

Reed instruments are also found quite early, and were specially used in funeral rites; they had seven intervals. A double instrument of this type was called the surna, a kind of hautboy.

(c) Percussion.-Drums came into orchestral use in the reign of Ivan IV.; the earliest form perhaps is the nakry (two clay pots with leather stretched over the top). Similar instruments were the ložki, or wooden spoons, or xylophone, first used in the 18th cent.; tarelki, or timpani, are recorded as far back as the 11th cent., as well as the bubny, or tambourines.

From the middle of the 17th cent. Russian orchestration was enriched through communications with Italy, directly and indirectly, through Poland and Germany. This cultured elaboration of the rich primitive music of the Slavs has put Russian music in the first rank.

MUSIC (Teutonic).-Teutonic mythology differs from classical in not ascribing a divine origin to music as distinct from poetry. Yet musical powers were often an attribute of gods and supernatural beings, as of Oðin, Bragi, and frequently the waterdivinities, and in individual human beings songcraft was looked upon as a divine gift, or, indeed, as directly due to divine inspiration and intervention. According to the earliest records, music, especially song, played a large part in awakening and in expressing religious and national feeling, as well as martial ardour and festive mirth. Tacitus says that the ancient songs of the Germans, which are their sole forms of chronology and history,' sing the praises of their divine progenitors (Germ. 2); this is borne out in historic times by the evidence of Jordanes for the Ostrogoths (de Getarum Orig. 4), and by the celebration in song of heroes of later days, such as Arminius (Tac. Ann. ii. 88), Alboin of Lombardy (Paulus Diaconus, de Gest. Langobardorum, i. 27), and Charlemagne. Song and the clashing of arms were the accepted means of inspiring to the fight, and of disheartening the foe, and the variety of sound ranged from a loud yell' (Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVIII. v. 6) to dissonant clamour, from a rhythmic battle-cry (Olafs Saga hins Helga, 92; Fornmanna Sögur, iv.) to heroic chants (Tac. Hist. ii. 22; Amm. Marc. XXXI. vii. 11). Triumphal songs after the battle are known in at least one instance to have been accompanied by dancing (Gregory, Dial. iii. 28). Although there is little evidence for the practice of merely festive music in the primitive Teutonic period, it is noteworthy that many of the later words for music are intimately connected with, if not actually derived from, roots denoting joy or bliss-e.g., gleō, dream (Grimm, Teut. Mythology, tr. J. S. Stally brass, London, 1882-88, p. 901).

During the period of settlement of the Teutonic

peoples after the great migrations all these uses of music became increasingly important, especially on the national and religious side, as might be expected in a race in which religious feeling was so closely identified with its strong national consciousness. In connexion with religion music assumed a twofold significance.

(1) It was an integral part of such ritual as was practised-e.g., singing and dancing were used by the Langobards in their worship (Gregory, loc. cit.). At Upsala the sacrifices were accompanied by 'unseemly' songs (Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburg. iv. 27 [MGH, 'Script.' vii.]), and it would appear from the degenerate behaviour of the mimes on the stage, and the unmanly clatter of the bells,' which aroused the disgust of Starkaðr (Saxo Grammaticus, Danish History, tr. O. Elton, London, 1894, vi. 185), that this side of the ceremony was much developed. At funerals dirges were sung, telling the prowess of the dead; the account of the funeral lament for Attila (Jordanes, 49) can be paralleled by the fragmentary_indication of the dirge (geomorgyd) sung for Beowulf (1. 3151). At weddings songs were sung, but not necessarily of a religious character (Saga Herrauðs ok Bosa, 12; Fornaldar Sögur, iii.).

(2) The second great religious use of music was in the magic art, in which the chanting of spells must always have been a chief element; and in the north, where this art was so much developed, we have ample evidence of the importance of vocal music as an adjunct of sorcery. The two main forms of incantation were the galdr and the seiðr, the beneficent and maleficent charms. The galdr must from its very name have been sung; the seiðr we know to have been performed with elaborate musical ceremonial. Thus in Orvarodds Saga (ch. 2) the seiðrkona, or sorceress, appears accompanied by a choir of fifteen boys and fifteen girls, skilled in singing. So, too, in Eiriks Saga Rauða (ch. 4) the prophetess requires one of the women present to sing a certain spell; a Christian woman unwillingly complies, and sings so sweetly that the witch announces that many unwonted spirits have been lured thither. Elsewhere we again find the sweetness of the song apparently increasing its potency, as in the seior that lured the boy Kári to his death (Laxdæla Saga, 37). Music produced by an abnormal instrument can have a supernatural effect, as in the ballad of the minstrel whose harp, strung with three locks of a drowned girl's hair, sings of itself, and accuses the murderer. An inspired musician can, like Orpheus, charm animals by his song, as does Horant the Dane (Kudrun, 388).

Heroic traditions, from being celebrated in communal song (Jordanes, 4), passed into the keeping of the scop, whose chief function was to commemorate national prowess, or, like the Northern scalds later on, to celebrate the deeds of hero patrons. The Old English poems Widsið and Deōr afford glimpses of the wide-spread fame and the varying fortunes of these minstrels; their repute was great, and the divine inspiration and supernatural powers ascribed to them appear in such tales as that of Horant, already cited, or of Sigurðr, who, at a wedding-feast, by his harp-playing caused not only the guests but even the very tables and dishes to dance (Saga Herrauðs ok Bosa, 12; Fornaldar Sögur, iii.). The scop and the scald, who were often men of good birth, catered for the courts, and provided the chief entertainment at feasts by chanting heroic lays, either traditional or improvised. Their skill redounded to the credit of the court, and keen interest was taken in their rivalry and their singing-contests. Popular tastes, on the other hand, were provided for by the wandering minstrel or glee-man, and how familiar and acceptable a figure he was is proved by the legend

of Alfred penetrating, thus disguised, into the Danish camp. The susceptibility of the Teutonic races to music is proved by the honours heaped upon the singer, and also by the wide diffusion of the lyric gift. Nothing is more striking in the Icelandic sagas than the facility with which men and women of almost all classes 'sing a stave,' i.e. improvise to suit all occasions. The Goths seem to have quickly fallen under the influence of Roman music, as in the case of the ex-emperor Attalus (cf. H. Bradley, The Goths [Story of the Nations'], London, 1887, pp. 95, 101). Throughout the heroic poems and tales we can trace the enjoyment of courtly music, and the story of Cadmon illustrates the shame felt by the ungifted man at the exposure of his deficiency.

We have hardly any knowledge of the nature of pre-Christian Teutonic music, but the strong rhythm of the alliterative poetry presupposes a marked musical rhythm. It is practically certain that harmony was unknown in instrumental and in vocal music. Such technical knowledge as we possess can be deduced only from the instruments known to have been used, i.e. horns and harps. The first instrument of the primitive Teuton was probably the horn, originally the natural horn of an animal, later a reproduction in bronze. Then the shape was altered, as can be seen from the bronze horn found in Denmark, which is twisted somewhat into the shape of a G, and apparently is the prototype of the modern Scandinavian lurs. Expert judgment believes this horn to have been in the key of Eb, of which it produced the first eight harmonics. By far the more important and more characteristic instrument is the harp, for which the Teutons have a separate native name, and which, although here experts differ, the northern nations probably evolved for themselves independently of existing forms in the south; it is a moot point how much they owed to their Celtic neighbours, past masters of the harp. That bowinstruments were originally unknown to the Teutons is borne out by the fact that the word hearpan is used to translate citharisare, and therefore distinctly implies plucking or twanging the strings. Early contact with the Romans introduced them to such instruments as bells and bagpipes, and later to all the varieties of the psalterium.

After the advent of Christianity the history of Teutonic music is for centuries identical with that of Church music; the Church absorbed almost all musical interest, and certainly controlled all technical and artistic progress. Secular music was steadily discouraged; throughout the Merovingian laws the seductions of heathen songs are denounced, while in England the famous letter of Alcuin (MGH, 'Script.' xv. Epist. Carol.,' ii. 124) and the pleasing anecdote of Aldhelm (William of Malmesbury, de Gest.pontif. Anglorum, v. 190) illustrate the Church's severe attitude towards secular music, but also its readiness to use Christian music as a means of

attraction.

The Roman Church had a struggle to enforce its liturgical music upon the Teutonic churches, which seemed to realize the danger to their individuality in the adoption of the standard Church music, i.e. the Gregorian plain-song or unaccompanied unison chant. Once converted to the Roman usage, however, the Teutonic monks were active in spreading it, as did St. Boniface among the Germans; and the monastery of St. Gall can claim to have perfected in the 9th cent. the new liturgical chant known as the 'sequence.' Moreover, it is to Teutonic monks, such as Alcuin, Notker, and Odo, that we owe the chief literary evidence on the ecclesiastical modes.

In the development of the second great school of music, the polyphonic, Teutonic clerics again fur

nish some of the most valuable evidence on theory. The de Harmonica Institutione of the Flemish monk Hucbald describes the first attempts at the forms of harmony later known as organum' and 'descant'; at the end of the following century comes the more advanced work of Otger of St. Pons, probable author of the treatise Musica Enchiriadis. After the death (c. 1050) of Guido of Arezzo, the chief exponent of the new system, the Teutonic monks-e.g., Berno of Reichenau, William of Hirschau, and Aribo Scholasticus-seem to have shared in the temporary reaction against polyphony. But Teutonic musicians soon recovered their progressive spirit, as is shown by the work of Franco of Cologne, and in the development of that contrapuntal art which has aptly been likened to a Gothic cathedral they led the way, through the English supremacy of the 12th to the 14th centuries, up to the Golden Age' of the Netherlands in the 15th century.

In the English period the chief names in theory are those of Walter Odington in the late 13th cent., and Simon Tunstede, who at the end of the 14th cent. describes the method of introducing fauxbourdon into the old descant. England has the distinction of preserving five early specimens of counterpoint, one of which, the famous rota or six-part canon, 'Sumer is icumen in,' dating from c. 1240, precedes any similar composition extant by more than a century; it is a secular song, but was probably composed by a cleric. By the end of the 15th cent. many English composers were at work, but produced less original music, because of their dependence on the Netherlands school; again, in the 16th cent., the influence of Palestrina was predominant.

The Netherlands school begins with Guillaume Dufay, and rises to its height in the 15th cent. with Johannes Okeghem, master of the canon, and his pupil, Josquin des Prés. The pupil soon outstripped the master, infusing into the latter's dry and intellectual style-in which it is perhaps not fanciful to see the influence of the northern land and of the Teutonic character-greater artistic and devotional feeling. An interesting point in the Flemish school is the novelty of basing its massthemes on popular melodies. The influence of the school is shown by the fact that Dufay's contemporary, Willaert, founded the Venetian school, while Palestrina himself, the culmination of mediaval counterpoint before it yields to homophony, was taught by the Flemish master, Goudimel.

With the Reformation a great change came over music in the Teutonic countries. The main cause was the secularization of the art by freeing it from an enforced dependence on the Church and her requirements, while in Church music itself a change equally great appears, due first to its loss of symbolic significance, and secondly to the introduction of congregational singing in the vernacular. In England the 16th cent. saw a great secularization and diffusion of music, but the composers of Church music, such as Tallis, Byrd, and Orlando Gibbons, were still at the head of their profession, and the emancipation of English music was not completed until the Commonwealth.

The development of Church music in Germany during the Reformation is foremost in interest and importance. Throughout the Middle Ages there was a strong current of religious musical feeling, rising to flood-height, first, from the 13th to the 14th centuries, when the Minnesinger wrote religious as well as courtly lyrics, and then in the 15th and 16th centuries, when the Meistersinger accomplished their important work of popularizing sacred music; both schools based their music on the ecclesiastical modes, the Meistersinger, however, with little inspiration. The practice of fitting

popular melodies to sacred words had prevailed before the Reformation; but the contrapuntal treatment tended to obscure the melody, and Luther's work lay in the restoration of rhythm to Church hymns-a step important in ensuring their popularization. It is doubtful now whether Luther undertook much composition himself, yet the name 'Luther's hymns' is hardly a misnomer, so great was his encouragement to hymnodists to adapt tunes already familiar in Church or folk-song, and to develop the wonderful chorales now familiar to every Protestant country. Later, at the end of the 16th cent., these simple tunes were again obscured by contrapuntal treatment for choir-singing; but the influence of monody restored the simplicity of effect suited to express the exalted national and religious aspirations of the Reformed Church. Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries hymnody flourished under the Silesian and Pietistic schools. The same period saw in England also a popularization of hymnody-to which the Reformation had given little impetus-under the influence first of Watts and the Independents, then of Wesley and the Methodists.

The remarkable production in Germany during the 18th cent. of Church music of the highest order is a subject beyond the scope of this article (see MUSIC [Christian]); but it may be suggested that it was the result of individual genius, as of Bach, working on traditional forms and originating new ones, with an entire emancipation from ecclesiastical rigidity, yet with a restraint which kept the work, unlike much similar Italian production, within the bounds of religious propriety. This is illustrated by the growth of the new oratorio; starting, as in Italy, from the miracle-play, it was given a new direction in Germany by combination with the lately emancipated Passion music, and drew fresh strength from that peculiarly Teutonic form, the chorale. Thus in the later development of religious music in Teutonic countries we see that its greatness was largely due to its closeness to national tradition; and Germany perhaps owed her musical supremacy in part to the fact that, even after the secularization of the art, her greatest musicians were content to submit to the disciplinary forms of Church music.

LITERATURE.-P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye, The Religion of the Teutons, tr. B. J. Vos, Boston and London, 1902, p. 385 ff.; R. von Liliencron, Musik,' in H. Paul's Grundriss der german. Philologie2, m. xiii. 2, Strassburg, 1900, p. 555 ff.; Martin Gerbert, Scriptores Ecclesiastici de Musica, San Blas, 1784; C. E. H. de Coussemaker, Scriptores de musica medii ævi, 4 vols., Paris, 1864-76, Hist. de l'harmonie au moyen age, do. 1852; G. Grove, Dict. of Music and Musicians, ed. J. A. Fuller-Maitland, London, 5 vols., 1904-10; Oxford Hist. of Music, ed. W. A. Hadow, Oxford, 1901-05; C. Engel, Musical Instruments, London, 1875, ch. vii. f. R. C. Hope, Medieval Music, do. 1894; J. K. Paine, Hist. of Music, Boston, 1907; E. Dickinson, Music in the Hist. of the Western Church, London, 1902. M. E. SEATON.

MUSKHOGEANS.-The Muskhogeans constitute a sedentary and agricultural American Indian linguistic stock whose territory covered the major portion of the present States of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, and the western part of Tennessee, the principal tribes being the Choctaw and Seminole (qq.v.), Creek, and Chickasaw, besides the minor tribes of the Alibamu, Apalachee, Bayogoula, Chakchiuma, Chatot, Chula, Hitchiti, Huma, Ibitoupa, Kasihta, Koasati, Mobile, Mugulasha Naniba, Ofogonla, Tangipahoa, Taposa, Tawasa, Tohome, and Yamasee. The tribal organization and system of government were closely analogous to those of the Iroquois (q.v.). The number of gentes varied from 28 among the Creek to 12 among the Chickasaw, 10 among the Seminole, and 8 among the Choctaw. The phratry system is recorded among Choctaw and Chickasaw, the latter having phratries of 4

and 8 gentes respectively: Panther-Wild Cat, Bird, Fish, Deer; Spanish (Ishpani) - Raccoon, Spanish, Royal (Mingo), Skunk, Squirrel, Alligator, Wolf, Blackbird. Intermarriage between members of the same gens was forbidden; descent was in the female line. As regards the designations of the gentes, we are expressly informed by Adair (Hist. of the Amer. Indians, p. 16) that the Muskhogeans bear no religious respect to the animals from which they derive the names of their tribes, but will kill any of the species, when opportunity serves.' Since, however, he repeatedly notes the decay of old custom and belief among the Muskhogeans, we cannot assume that the usual tabus regarding the totem did not originally prevail among them. As among the Iroquois, the civil chiefs were distinct from the war-chiefs; and, among the Chickasaw, the chieftainship was hereditary in the Mingo gens, and the chief religious official in the Wild Cat (Adair, p. 31). So far did the Muskhogeans carry the distinction between civil and military affairs that, notably among the Creek, there were 'white towns,' devoted to civil government and peace ceremonies, and 'red towns' for ceremonies of war.

The towns, which, when in strategic positions, were strongly walled, contained a public square, each of whose enclosing buildings comprised three rooms. The structure on the east side was for the chief administrative councillors, that on the south for the war-chiefs, that on the west for the principal religious paraphernalia, and that on the north for the inferior chiefs. The square itself was the scene of public business and great religious ceremonies, such as the busk (for which see ERE iii. 507a and HAI i. 176-178); and there such aliens as possessed no clan rights might sojourn as public guests. The house of the religious leader formed an asylum, and certain towns, notably the Creek Kusa, were veritable cities of refuge,' such a city being a place of safety for those who kill undesignedly' (Adair, pp. 112, 159).

Shamans underwent an initiation of sweating and taking emetics; before and during the busk and other festivals, as well as in time of war, abstention from various foods and from sexual intercourse was required; menstruous women were obliged to retire to small huts constructed specially for them; and a widow was compelled to remain single for four years (three, among the Chickasaw), unless she could induce the eldest brother of her deceased husband to have relations with her. Among food-tabus particular interest attaches to that by which the Alibamu, after a white man had eaten, threw away all the food that he had left and washed everything that he had used.

The religious centre to which reference has already been made contained various figures, those among the Bayogoula, e.g., being the bear, wolf, opossum, and birds (cf. also Adair, pp. 30-32), while the Mobile possessed clay images of men, women, and animals. Among the Muskhogeans, moreover, fire was sacred, and the flame kindled at the busk might not be extinguished until the following busk, when it must be put out as being no longer ritually clean.

Information regarding the Muskhogean morality is scarcely sufficient to afford a basis for judgment.

and two brass plates preserved at Tukabatchi and still in exist1 Among these special mention should be made of five copper ence, though, according to tradition, they had formerly been more numerous. From the account given by William Bolsover (in Adair, p. 1781.) it would appear that at least some of them further, HAI ii. 194). are of European origin, two even bearing the stamp E (see,

2 Initiation may also be implied in the Alibamu usage of causing the children of both sexes to pass in procession at one of their festivals, and to be so severely flogged as to draw blood, after which they were required to listen to an address by one of their elders.

1

tiquity and the practices of modern savagery there is complete evidence of mutilation of the human body as a definite part of the ritual, the ceremony, or the action in which it takes place, and the only question which needs close attention is the relationship between religious rite and savage practice. Examples of both rite and practice must be the starting-point, and it will be found that there is no clear line of separation by peoples, race, or in stages of civilization between religious rite and savage practice. Thus in Hebrew history the mutilation of Abraham is the beginning of a religious rite which has continued through all subsequent periods (Gn 17); the blood-letting of the fourscore men who came from Shechem, Shiloh, | and Samaria was an offering to propitiate Jahweh (Jer 415); the marking by a burnt or incised sign was an indication of adherence to a centre of worship (Dt 325, Rev 7. 131). These are all religious rites; and side by side with them are practices which may properly be termed savage. The story of Nahash the Ammonite offering to make a covenant with the men of Jabesh that I may thrust out all your right eyes' (1 S 11); the pursuit of Adoni-bezek the Canaanite, and after his capture the cutting off of his thumbs and great toes (Jg 16.); the punishment by the loss of a hand (Dt 2511); and the remarkable demand of Saul carried out by David for trophies of the Philistines (1 S 1825) are all practices of ordinary life unconnected with ritual or religions. Herbert Spencer, who has examined these rites and practices so carefully, would reduce both classes to a common denominator by the theory that the practices were for the purposes of securing and indicating the marks of subjugation of the conquered to his conqueror, the slave to his master, and that they were repeated as religious rites for the same reasonthe subjugation of the worshipper to the god. The difficulty of accepting this conclusion from evidence is that both rite and practice run in parallels, not in layers, or, if there is any evidence in the priority of record, it is, as in the case of the Hebrews, in favour of the religious rite having preceded the practice. Spencer's examples from savage life deal with rulers deified after death, survivals as sacred custom, practices which have a sacramental nature, and ceremonies performed by priests (p. 59); and it is difficult to establish from these the priority of practice over the ritual of religion. In the religions of Greece and Rome the relative positions of the two are equally indeterminate. If the reign of Constantine v. in the 8th cent. 'was a long butchery of whatever was most noble, or holy, or innocent, in his empire,' and included the offering of a trophy of noses from his mutilated enemies, it may be that such barbarism is an inheritance from one of the destroyers of Rome; but in the ancient religions there are mutilation rites which, though perhaps adopted from aboriginal religions, were definitely incorporated in Greek and Roman religions. At the annual festival of the Phrygian goddess, Agdestis, young men made themselves eunuchs, and L. R. Farnell thinks that the rites of this cult may belong to the various stocks of Asia Minor who had been nursed in the older religion. There is no trace of such an origin in the Roman stories of Attis by Catullus and by Arnobius," and it is difficult to believe that the charge brought against the Romans by Arnobius was not a generally accepted part of their religious cult. A long note 1 Ceremonial Institutions (Principles of Sociology, pt. iv.),

London, 1879, pp. 52-80.

3

* E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, London, 1901-06, v. 186.

CGS iii. 306.

4 'Devolvit illa acuta sibi pondera silice' (Carm. lviii. 5).

ade. Gentes, v. 6 1.

5

1

4

by J. G. Frazer on the small mound of earth surmounted by a finger made of stone which Pausanias describes as existing on the road from Megalopolis to Messene, and identifies with the story of Orestes biting off the finger of one of his hands, establishes the fact of mutilation of the fingers by various peoples, and concludes that a practice so wide spread' may well have left its trace in the legend about Orestes. One further point is to be made from the fact that religious mutilations are personal and voluntary in contradistinction to savage practice, where mutilations are imposed by compulsion upon conquered enemies or enslaved peoples or persons. This contrast is illustrated by two independent pieces of evidence. Arnobius 3 relates that the daughter of a Gallus cut off her breasts out of devotion to Aphrodite the mother. A curious passage in the Old Irish Treatise on the Law of Adamnan says that before Adamnan's time it was the head of a woman or her two breasts which were taken as trophies.' The trophy and the sacrifice in those two cases do not seem to belong to the same plane of thought, and yet they belong to the same range of civilization. Spencer finally produces a most fascinating argument in proof of his proposition that mutilations develop from savage practice into religious ritual, namely, that it would follow that 'some connexion must exist between the extent to which they are carried and the social type, and he then groups the facts presented by fifty-two peoples. Of peoples who form simple societies they practise mutilation either not at all or in slight forms. Of societies practising mutilations that are moderate, the simple bear a decreased ratio to the compound,' while among societies distinguished by severer mutilations' these relations are reversed. The argument would be unanswerable if the examples were complete, but it leaves untouched the complex problem preserved by the religions and practices of antiquity. Only if the gods of men are in all cases a development of the oppressions and tyrannies of one class over another, one dominant personality over the group, can Spencer's simple theory be accepted. As it is, it appears that there are two streams along which mutilations have travelled, no doubt reacting upon each other, but independent in origin. This conclusion is quite in keeping with the accumulating evidence that early religions owed much of their ritual to the practical necessities of life, in which they largely took the place of both political and police control in the societies to which they belonged.

A list of the several kinds of mutilations adopted is not a cheerful contribution to the subject, but it is nevertheless well to have them in this form for purposes of reference. It can easily be compiled from Herbert Spencer's researches already so extensively used in this article. It includes tails of hair, scalps, eyes, fingers, hands, thumbs, great toes, noses, ears, lips, jaws, teeth, hair, castration, circumcision, blood, cuts, and lacerations. See also AUSTERITIES, § 8.

LITERATURE.-This has been cited throughout the article. LAURENCE GOMME. MYCENÆANS.-See ÆGEAN RELIGION.

MYRMIDONS.-The name of the Myrmidons is familiar as belonging to the Thessalian followers of Achilles at the siege of Troy (Hom. Il. ii. 684). Eschylus wrote a tragedy entitled Myrmidons, which seems to have contained the death of Patroclus as its principal incident (A. Nauck, Tragicorum Græcorum Fragmenta3, Leipzig, 1889, p. 42), and the title, if not the plot, was appropriated by Accius. According to one account, they com.

1 VIII. xxxiv.

2 Frazer, Pausanias, London, 1898, iv. 357. 3 adv. Gentes, v. 7.

4 Ed. and tr. Kuno Meyer, Oxford, 1905, p. 3.

5 P. 79.