tion of instructing in the humbler satisfaction of entertaining his audience. He seemed to have forgotten the adage

"Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci,"

and thus surrendered the opportunity of elucidating the important subject of these fossil exuviæ upon the basis of some relevant and satisfactory theory. Upon such an omission, I hope to be excused the liberty of supplying my best speculations on this deeply interesting subject.

Astronomical and geological phenomena have established the fact, that these formations are results of a systematic order and law by which not only this globe but the whole apparatus of the universe is governed; investigations into the science of astronomy have proved that the motion of the earth, in its orbit, and round its axis, produces every year a slight deviation from its relative position in the heavens; this deviation is so small that it amounts to only 23′ of a degree annually, but this is sufficient in the immensity of time, to produce the most stupendous results, even to cause an entire revolution of the seasons, by bringing the north and south poles eventually into. the position originally occupied by the equator. It is well known and generally acknowledged, that since the adoption of the present scheme of the zodiac, by the Egyptian and Arabian nations, a precession has taken place, equal to the distance of one whole division or sign of the zodiac from another. This difference has arisen from the annual deviations through a term of about 2,100 years, and accounts for the difference which we now observe in the relative position of the stars, from that laid down by the ancients.

Hence it follows, that the period of time, during which this globe would complete its entire revolution, must extend itself to a term of 50,000 years. Immense as this term may appear, we have every reason to feel assured, that several such terms have already elapsed, and such changes taken place in the position of our earth, and that the scenes we now inhabit have been alternately subjected to the action of the torrid and frigid zones. Geological observations abundantly attest the reality of these mighty vicissitudes. Upon examining the lowest strata of coal, we shall find that this residuum bears evident marks of having been at some time a vegetable substance, and that branches of trees may still be traced in its masses, as not having fully undergone the general assimilation.

Other proofs of these great changes of nature might be adduced sufficient to determine the condition of the most sceptical inquirer; but we have to add to this argument

2. The existence of so many fossil remains of animals in this country, and in Europe, which could only have existed in the

torrid zone, and their appearance here in too great abundance to sanction the idea of their possible importation.

3. Subterranean forests and groves discovered at great depths beneath the present surface.

4. A slight examination of a gravel-pit or bed of pebbles presents, in the regular kidney shape of the stones, an evidence of their action upon each other in conjunction with water, from which alone their appearance of that shape could have arisen. This will be further illustrated by a comparison with the shingles on the sea-shore, which, from the operation of the same cause, are found to have derived a similar formation.

5. The immense accumulations of ice and snow within the Arctic and Antarctic circles, which, prima facie, so ill accord with the prepossession of the soundest philosophy, that nothing could have been created in vain, are on this theory satisfactorily accounted for they hold an important agency in the immense economy of these great changes. As the North Pole approaches the Equator, these stupendous masses pass into a state of solu tion, and will eventually inundate our islands and continents, overflow the tops of our highest hills, ingulph our forests, and establish the dynasty of the mighty deep over the present regions of society and civilization. The anticipation, however, of such a consummation, though demonstrable as to the certainty of its occurrence, is removed from all apprehensions of terror by the equally demonstrable remoteness of time and slowness of gradation, by which it will be accomplished. The long term of 25,000 or 30,000 years (a much longer period than that ascribed by theologians to the probable duration of the world) has yet to elapse: the regions we now inhabit will have first basked in the warmer rays of the torrid zone and the animals peculiar to those climates will have become indigenous to the soil of the regions, which we now occupy. When we and our posterity to the thousandth generation shall be forgotten. Should these remarks serve to commeud the subject to the tractation of abler hands; or excite in individuals a generous consideration of the ends and purposes, for which man best occupies his place and lot in the immense scale of Being, as a something better than "fruges consumere natus," born to consume the fruits, my object will have been answered, and I shall resume my pen with the greater confidence upon the next occasion of supplying an hiatus upon the same subject, and with like submission to the judgment of those who are skilled in planetary motion and its effects.

D.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE REPUBLICAN,

SIR, September 6, 1826. I HAVE perused the article signed F. P., which you reprinted from the "Bolton Chronicle" on the 18th ult., but have found nothing therein to induce me to alter my opinions upon the subjects of machinery and population. I agree with the men of Bolton,

1. That the use of machinery reduces the quantity of employment for human beings.

2. That the (assumed) great increase of the population is not the cause of the present distress.

3. That increase of population cannot be the cause of any distress. I add

4. That the present and all other public or national evils, except earthquakes and tempests and a few other natural phenomena, are clearly to be traced, not to government, but to misgo

vernment.

-

With respect to machinery, I have already given my opinions in two recent numbers of "The Republican;" I shall therefore be brief upon the subject now: in short I shall leave the proofs of the correctness of my views chiefly to "The Courier" newspa.. per and F. P. himself. The Editor of "The Courier," or some other writer in that paper, perhaps Mr. Canning, says,- "Scientific discoveries have made our soil more productive, and, the introduction of machinery has, in many instances, so diminished the necessity for employing human labour, that one man can, at the present day, effect what could not formerly be done by a hundred. Great is the benefit which results to a country from such circumstances; comforts are, by means of them, brought within the reach of many of the poor, which once could only be enjoyed by the affluent. This general good is produced by the successful introduction of machinery, but, unfortunately, it is also the cause of a particular evil; the industrious poor, formerly in demand, but now rendered useless, cannot immediately provide for themselves; if arrangements be made to introduce them to some other established course of labour, there again distress is created from the superabundant supply of hands; the scene of suffering may be changed, but the evil is not at an end." And my friend F. P., argues, "when a piece of goods could be manufactured with one week's labour, instead of three month's labour, it is plain that IF wages estimated at the same amount, a week's labour would enable the labourer to purchase a piece of cotton goods." Aye, to be sure

"If wishes were horses then beggars would ride."

and if black-berries were beef-steaks the poor weavers might all go into the fields and make a hearty meal."The Courier" makes out a very pretty case in behalf of machinery, but upsets it entirely with an unlucky "but"-F. P. proves almost to demonstration, that machinery is the guardian angel of the working people, when a little ugly imp of an "if" displays its marplot visage, and puts the whole train of arguments to flight. This "if," indeed, comprehends all that I contend for-if we had no corn laws, if we had none but necessary taxes, if we had a House of Commons really representing the virtue, the modesty, the talent of the nation, then might machinery be made to contribute to the comfort of the public at large.

Well then, Gentlemen, Political Economists, making only a fair and reasonable allowance for the virtue and power of this "if" and this "but," what becomes of your boasted machine made "surplus?" What! will it not supply to yon ragged and wo-begone mother, who now casts that soul-harrowing look upon her perishing offspring, a two-penny, power loom pocket handkerchief, to wipe the tear from her emaciated cheek! Will it not furnish to the industrious, but unemployed and agonized father, a cheap, steam-printed, copy of Adam Smith, to correct his "erroneous notions" and convince him that "his misery is owing to his own misconduct!" Alas! alas! in the words of "The Courier," "the industrious poor are become in a great measure useless: the scene of suffering may be changed, but the evil is not at an end."

Adam Smith and Mr. M'Culloch seem to stand so high in F. P.'s esteem that I am almost afraid to commit to paper the idea that flitted across my imagination when I found their opinions cited as proofs that machinery did not diminish employment: it is a sort of political blasphemy: but out it must come. Well then; I actually thought, at the moment, that it would have been almost as well for society-I speak phrenologically-if a brick-making instead of a book-making lump had developed itself upon the pericraniums of those renowned dispensers of political wisdom! They have written books, they have delivered lectures, they have constructed theories; they have been read and talked about by all the would-be politicians of the day: but, I ask, what practical good has resulted from their labours? Have not things been regularly progressing from bad to worse? Are not ministers compelled by circumstances to adopt these very measures which any of the uninformed" working people would have recommended years ago? But, I fear the distressed operatives have not yet suffered the worst: we are told "several plans are in progress for the purpose of bringing information on some of the most important subjects, within the reach of the working people:" and this information is to come from "expensive books.' Unhappy creatures! hunger and nakedness are bad enough, but if, in addition

to these, you are doomed to read the bulky volumes of political economists, then is your lot pitiable indeed.

But it is predicted that "at no very distant period, the best informed among them will be instructed in every thing which relates to their condition in society;"-this is "an ill phrase" an aristocratical, Courier-like way of speaking: if you really wish to bring important information within the reach of the working people; in the first place enable them to get their living by industry; do not when they ask for bread give them a stone; then, I would say, advise them to study men, as well as books; and instead of confining your instruction to their "condition in society" strive to teach them their duty as members of the body politic, and their civil and religious rights as Englishmen and citizens of the world. But let not F. P., or any other political economist, deceive himself; there are many of the working people that need instruction, but take them as a body-and as a body they are charged with entertaining erroneous notions, and of being the cause of their own distress-take them as a body, and you will find them, considering their disadvantages and their temptations, at least equal in virtue and talent to any other body or class of the community. I do not at all feel myself guilty of speaking with levity when I give it as my opinion that, in any populous manufacturing district, there would be no great difficulty in finding six hundred and fifty eight individuals, fully equal in useful acquirements and real information to the same number of honourable and right honourable readers of Malthus, Smith and M'Culloch.

But, to notice F. P.'s argument a little more particularly; admitting that a printed cotton, or calico, which formerly sold for 3s. 6d, a yard, could now be purchased for 1s. which is not the fact, for those three and sixpenny cottons were, to my knowledge, beautiful, fast colour, durable things, whilst the article now sold for Is. a yard, is a poor flimsy blue or chocolate rag, scarcely worth the expense of making and trimming, nay, admitting that the very best commodity could be bought for 6d. a yard, if the causes which have produced that cheapness, have also deprived the industrious female of the means of saving the sixpence, is she not evidently a loser by these boasted improvements? or, rather by the demoralizing and misery-making system of unnatural taxation which makes those products of ingenuity an evil rather than, what they might be, a blessing to society? And such I affirm to be the case: there were thirty years ago, as I have before asserted, thousands of mothers, in various parts of the kingdom, who, with the assistance of two children, could each earn 7s. a week at the spinning-wheel. These mothers could buy three and sixpenny cottons for holiday gowns, but the mothers of the present day, in similar situations, are wholly without employment, and unable to buy even fourpenny calico for shirts and chemises. If political economists would attend to a few simple