It ought not, surely, be difficult to persuade the people of the prudence and the necessity of their hearing with indifferent and attentive minds every side of the question, where their own good is the subject of enquiry, and they themselves the final and absolute judges of the debate. The attempt to stifle argument by clamour was, perhaps, not unnatural in those who could not otherwise influence the debates or decrees concerning their most vital interests. But this cause of prejudice has been removed, and let us entertain a hope that this impediment to the progress of truth is fast wearing away, and that the labours of those who are endeavouring to enlighten the minds of the people to a true sense of their real interests, will not be utterly ineffectual. The march of knowledge, though sure and unremitting, is indeed slow. It is not immediately that truth reaches the understanding of the vulgar. Their teachers, or perhaps the teachers of these latter, become acquainted with important truths, mixed frequently with important error; gradually the falsehood yields to the force of the opposing arguments, and the truth becomes familiarly known, and even reckoned among the most obvious principles, by the class which a short time before looked upon it as a paradox, or at least, a suspicious novelty. Presently, by the force of example, and the natural communications of thoughts and opinions, it descends a scale lower among the people, and by the influence of authority and education, becomes known to those who would have been unable to comprehend the arguments by which it was originally defended or opposed. It appears almost self-evident to those to whom it is early taught, and thus, in the course of a few years, those truths become familiarly recognized and known by all, which a short time before could scarcely have found a single supporter. It is therefore, we conceive, no serious objection to the utility of books intended most for the instruction of the labouring poor, to say, that it is unlikely that any number of them will ever learn or read them. The same end will be as effectually, though more slowly obtained, if they communicate knowledge to those who are the natural instructors of the labouring classes, and who are in constant communication with them.

Such considerations give a value in our eyes to the books whose names are prefixed to this article which they might not otherwise possess. All works on those subjects, for the instruction of those who

have been hitherto uneducated, we regard as statements and arguments addressed to such as are henceforward to be the rulers of our destiny. Of these, the one entitled "Conversations on Political Economy, by John Hopkins," appears to us to be the best, as containing the greatest portion of useful information, unmixed with much error. It commences by a story, which we think had better be omitted, as it adopts a form of instruction which, in our opinion, is very ill calculated to impart a knowledge of controverted truth. In it, John Hopkins, described as a poor labourer, with a large family of children, is supposed to apply to a Fairy for assistance, and to attribute all his want to the luxuries of the rich. He makes the plausible complaint that in order to gratify the rich with luxuries, the poor are debarred almost from the necessaries of life. To give John Hopkins a practical proof of the fallacy of his opinions, the fairy consents by a stroke of her wand "to destroy all luxuries whatever." The first effect which John perceives from this important change is that "his wife's best cotton gown is turned to a homely stuff," her china teapot into crockery-ware, his children's play things into dry sticks, fit only to be burnt." To take time to turn over the subject, and to console himself for his disappointment, he called for his pipe; but being a luxury it was also gone. To pacify him his wife offers him a pinch of snuff, but his box is, of course, empty; snuff, "the luxury," is not there. He then admits that he was a fool not to desire the Fairy to meddle with the luxuries of the rich only. He will, therefore, on her next visit beg her to make an exception in favour of the poor. The consequences of the innovations made by the Fairy wand are shortly displayed. John's relations, who were engaged in the manufacture of various articles of luxury, are turned out of employment; John himselt, who worked as a labourer in the field, and thought that he was in no danger of being thrown out of work, as corn and hay are not luxuries, receives a visit from the landlord on whose estate he worked. The landlord informs him that he means to turn his land into a sheep-walk, or let it lie uncultivated, as half the produce of the land will be sufficient for him in the new style of living, which he and his family are obliged to adopt. Poor John is now convinced of his error and reduced to despair. He hastens to the Fairy and implores her to reverse the fatal decree, and to bring

back things to their former state. From this, and some conversation with his friends, John draws the conclusion, that the rich and poor have but one and the same interest, and that the comfort of the poor are derived from the wealth of the rich. Now, although we acquiesce in this conclusion, and wish every John Hopkins in the country did the same, yet we should be glad that they arrived at it by a different path. It is hardly necessary to dissuade the poor from desiring such changes as are manifestly beyond the power of legislation to accomplish. If John Hopkins were now to obtain the power of making a change according to his desire, we suspect he would be more anxious to deprive the rich of their property than of the opportunity of spending it.

It would be of some use to shew how little such a change in the distribution of property would add to the comforts of the poor. The rich man, who possesses wealth sufficient to support 100 poor, distributes it among them in the purchase of enjoyments for himself as effectually, as if the most benevolent patriot undertook the management of it for the public good. If we look at all the articles on which the wealthy consume their revenue; we shall see that they derive their high value from the amount of the labour bestowed on their manufacture. Thus the income of the rich is expended in maintaining labourers, that is, in supporting the poor, with this additional advantage that the poor are thus relieved from the temptations to which idleness would subject them, and their dignity and independence of mind may be preserved, while they feel that they are earning their own bread instead of receiving it, as charity. This subject, followed on to a greater length, would, we think, shew in the most unanswerable manner, the utter impossibility of relieving the ablebodied poor by any enactments in the shape of poor laws, or a compulsory provision for them. Without any benevolent designs on our part, all our income is expended in the support of labourers. If half is taken from us by the state, and appropriated to that purpose, there remains only the other half to be thus expended by ourselves. We hope in some future edition to see John Hopkins' notions upon these subjects. From the chapter entitled "The Poors' Rate, or the Treacherous Friend," we are confident that they will be well weighed and eorrect. It will be more important to the public to know what opinions

he entertains upon this head, than the consequences to be apprehended from a total demolition of all luxuries, We fear that if his kind Fairy gratified him with another experiment, the conse quences, though ruinous to the public, might not at first, or until it was too late to mend the evil, be found equally prejudicial to himself. It is not easy to anticipate the effects of a change which never can take place, where we have nothing like experience or analogy to guide us. Every man may imagine a connected train of consequences according to his interest or disposition. Perhaps, on the next occasion, the landlord, finding that he cannot possibly spend more than half the produce of his estate, may give John a portion of it for his own use, instead of letting it remain uncultivated and turning him out of employment.

But we shall not press the subject, being satisfied that the experiment will not be made a second time. Would that we had equal reason to believe that the more practicable experiments of a partial destruction of luxuries and property would not again be made. It is a thing so quickly imagined, so easily contrived, and so readily executed, to destroy or injure a quantity of property, requiring immediate repair for the purposes of procuring employment in the re-construction or reparation of the injured property, that we think it of the utmost importance that the mischievous consequences of such conduct should be clearly taught, and familiarly known to all. This is the more necessary, as the arguments generally urged to prove the impolicy of this system on the part of the labourer, are not perfectly sound, and do not accurately shew where the mischief lies. We allude to those arguments which prescribe such conduct as a destruction or diminution of the fund appropriated to the subsistence of labourers. Those certainly shew that the country at large suffers by such proceedings, but the proofs would be brought nearer home, by shewing the tendency such conduct has to deter property from embarking in useful speculations in the places where they occur. No moderate rate of profit will be sufficient to attract capital to a spot where the trader is exposed to constant danger and depredations and injuries to his property; where a visit from the nocturnal legisla tors may involve him in total ruin, or where the same effect may be produced by a run for gold at the demand of a discomfited agitator, who is content to dis.

play his power by overwhelming friends and foes in one undistinguishing calamity. "Incendium meum ruinâ extingu

aan."

Perhaps, on some future occasion, John Hopkins will favour the public with his notions on this head. If he compares two places together, situated equally as to trade and manufacture, the partial sufferings produced by a fall of wages, or by improvement of machinery, throwing a few out of employment, met in the one place by outrage and combination and mob-legislation; in the other by prudence and energy and a disposition to adapt their conduct to the altered circumstances in which they find themselves placed, he will readily perceive, and will do service by stating the consequences from such different systems. The market of the one diminishing, of the other extending every day. Since the goods manufactured at the two different places will no longer compete on the same terms and can no longer be sold at the same prices at the markets before common to both. At length trade will be entirely extinguished in the spot which was the scene of riot and turbulence, and will have been transferred to the settlements where peace and order were observed. Distress will have reached its utmost height, and to crown the edifice, the demagogue will appear to tell the people, already too well disposed to mischief, that their misery is caused by the union, or by tithes, or by the number of bishops, or free trade, or the grand jury laws, or by any thing abstruse and flattering to their feelings, rather than by such obvious and natural causes as their own idleness, turbulence, and improvidence. These will not be mentioned, as not suiting so well with the designs of the interested agitator.

It will not, we hope, be difficult to convince the people of the truth of these two simple propositions. Indeed, their enunciation is almost sufficient to secure assent to them. Firstly, that mob-violence will not be able to compel capital to embark or to remain in a losing business. Secondly, That it cannot deter capital from pursuing a profitable manufacture, although it can make it depart and remove to exercise it in a more quiet spot. These and similar useful and evident truths may be easily inculcated. Every calm discussion has this tendency, by sharpening the minds of the people, and accustoming them to reflection. We, therefore, wish to see as many cheap and simple productions on political economy as possible, offered to their perusal. And

we are not scared from the wish by even observing the erroneous doctrines advocated in some of them, as we are confident that in the conflict of opposite opinions, truth will speedily arise victorious. We do not fear that the doctrines respecting rent expressed or implied in " Ella of Garveloch," will be long current among those who have an opportunity of hearing or reading the truth. Ronald (page 125) is sorry to find that by tilling his piece of moorland he had created a rent upon his sisters land, and Angus explains that the case would have stood the same if Murdoch, or anybody else, had tilled the moor. Again, in page 73, it is assumed that rent is produced or increased by taking bad lands into cultivation.

The truth appears to be that the increased demand for corn by an increased population raises prices, and therefore raises rents, and makes it expedient to take inferior land into cultivation, or to lay out moré capital, with a diminished return, on the old lands. The increased demand, and the necessity of procuring an increased supply, produces all those consequences; but though one effect may be sometimes conveniently made the i1dex of another, it should not on that account be deemed the cause of it. Indeed, so far from its being true, that taking inferior lands into cultivation has a tendency to raise prices or rents, it has a direct tendency to diminish them by increasing the supply. On this head we are more inclined to agree with the opinions entertained by Hopkins and Stubbs, page 172. We cannot conclude this head without remarking that the author of John Hopkins' notions seems in some danger of falling into the common error of writers instructing the poor, of imagining that a style will be more intelligible by interspersing it with vulgarisms or incorrect language, such as "why so then," "Man," and "in a wonderment," &c. Where this is done that the characters may speak suitably to their supposed circumstances, we do not much object to it, although we see the danger of an author's too readily adopting such an easy mode, as employing vulgar idioms to appear intelligible to vulgar minds. We should even prefer the opposite extreme, as in " Ella of Garveloch," where every speaker employs language that would become a professor. In real life, even among the lower orders, correct language is not more uncommon, than correct ideas upon these points.

If we were to propose a mode of the style proper for communicating know

ledge, we should refer to the articles on political economy contained in the Saturday Magazine, particularly those on Value, page 186; on Wages page 222, and those on "The Duties and Advantages of Society." Such articles may be read with profit by all, as they convey most useful truths in simple and correct language. We cannot now wait to quote any part, but shall conclude by requesting all to read at least so much as proves that wages are beyond the reach of law to regulate. It is of importance that all should be acquainted with such simple and useful truths, and with the necessary arguments to support them, as it may be every man's turn to disseminate them among those to whom such truths, or the opposite errors, will be influential principles of action. M. L.

Practical Gardening. By Martin Doyle. Curry and Co. Dublin-1833.

We cannot avoid congratulating Martin Doyle's countrymen upon the great acquisition his varied and extensive abilities have proved, in the direction of their judgment and formation of their taste. There is not a subject of practically use

ful knowledge upon which he seems uninformed himself, and which he does not take care to present to the public in the most tangible and attractive form. The pamphlet before us contains a clear and comprehensive course of instruction for the practical gardiner, unencumbered with any of the difficulties which mere theorists in the art are in the culpable habit of placing, as stumbling-blocks, in the way of those who care little about the science or its technical terms abstractedly from actual practice. We have no hesitation in pronouncing Martin Doyle's pamphlet to be the very best for common use that we have ever met with. He promises to follow the present with similar manuals upon Fruits and Flowers, &c. saying, modestly, that his future exertions in this line shall be guided by the success of his first attempt. For our parts, as he has succeeded, and deservedly, in all his meritorious undertakings, we entertain no doubt but that a grateful public will continue their patronage and support to an author who, from the importance of his subjects and the talent with which they are discussed, has the best possible claim upon their attention and regard.

We are fallen upon evil days. Abroad thrones have been shakingsceptres and diadems are breakingdynasties are changing, and constitutions are vanishing away; at home all the time-honoured and time-nurtured must give way to the novel and ideal, for the spirit of change has breathed over all things, and while she rides in her rampant chariot against the throne of kings and the ark of God, all that we prize and love in the institutions of our country is to be dragged at her wheels, dishonoured in the dust. We are indeed fallen upon evil days; but of all the elements of evils that are now overshadowing the protestant interest of Ireland, there is none that in the desolation

and utter hopelessness of despair, can compete with that giant evil, the threatened emigration of the protestant population. The number of Protestants, who have emigrated from Ireland during the last few years is as follows: in 1829, 12,000; in 1830, 21,000; 1831, 29,500; in 1832, 31,500, making a total of 94,000, during the short space of four years! Nor is this all-the evil is gradually increasing, the stream is widening its banks every successive year, so as to promise to exhaust before long the whole protestant population by its increasing drain; it is a slowly consuming and wasting malady that is working its noiseless and secret way through the land; and as consumption in the human form pales the cheek of beauty and prostrates the strength of youth, and then gradually and almost imVOL. I.

perceptibly draws its victim unresisting to the grave, so is this evil, breaking and rendering powerless the Protestant interest, and promises so to waste its once mighty energies, that day after day it becomes weaker and weaker, and so will, almost without a struggle, vanish from the land.

We have no desire to magnify this evil beyond its just dimensions, but we ask, of what use will be the Protestant press-the Conservative Clubs-our Tory Principles-even the Established Church herself, when the protestant population has emigrated?—of what use will be the protecting measure, when there are no Protestants to protect? It will, then, be mere idiotcy, or, at least, a waste of time and talent to devise plans for the support of the protestant interest, when those who are the bone and sinew of that body shall have abandoned the country for ever. The mag nitude of this evil will stand revealed still more plainly when we reflect on the value of the character and principles of that class, First, they have invariably supported the interests of the landlords; and in all the strife, and storm, and civil commotion of three centuries, have been ever found maintaining, with their voices and with their lives, the property of the country; secondly, they have been found, by long experience, to be most conducive, by their industry, to the improvement of the country, and especially conducive, by their respect for, and support of the laws, to the maintenance of peace and tranquillity; thirdly, they have ever proved themselves to be, by feeling

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