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further, what was the testimony of one who, at least, will be allowed to be an unbiassed evidence? What did the present secretary for Ireland say, after returning from visiting, in person, the tenantry upon the Irish estates of his noble grandfather? Speaking of the attacks which have been made upon the establishment, he says" If the same exertions had been employed in publishing the splendid instances of individual merit which are to be found amongst its members, the church would stand, at the present moment, far above the boldest attempts of calumny. In fact, the cases of abuse are exceptions from that mass of rectitude which is not less admirable for being found in the shade, and their very prominence proves the strength of the rule." Such are a few of the testimones that have been borne to the "locust" establishment, and which may afford some grounds for judging whether its extinction would be productive of general benefit to the country.

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But, again, what a precedent will it afford for the gradual introduction of other measures, which (as far as Protestant security is concerned), will amount to a virtual Repeal of the Union. With all the fury of the great leader, he is a most profound and able man. There are persons who consider him as little better than a madman, for pursuing such a scheme, but they will find that he has, at least, as much of the wilyness, as of the strength, of madness; and that he will not waste his powers at a useless tug when the paulatim vello" will more effectually serve his purposes. Many of those persons express great surprise at his not having already given some notice on the subject. But they know little of the man. Thinking him to be a generous and devoted enthusiast, they naturally suppose that he would, in defiance of every obstacle in contempt of the all but unanimous sentitiments of the people of the sister country, and the Protestants of this bring forward his favourite measure. But, I repeat it, they know but little of the man. The Repeal of the Union is a fine topic out of doors a powerful agent in gathering in the 12,000. a-year from the wretched peasantry. But he has no such intention at present. There may be some Sanchos in his train, whom he amuses by sketches of

a constitution for their island, when they shall gain possession of it; but he is himself no Quixote; and poor Steele's plantations are not yet to be dispeopled of their pike-handles, in order to effect the separation of the two countries. No, O'Connell's plan is this:-He calculates upon exciting the sympathies of the English nation, who, in addition to all their honest and generous sentiments, are a very matterof-fact sort of people a people very likely to be gulled into the belief that, where there is such vehemence, there can be no dramatic deception. He calculates, also, upon the chance of there being some among the ministry weak enough to believe him serious in his menaces; and others, weak and wicked enough to propose lulling his Cerberean howl by throwing him a succession of sops. If, then, he can succeed in extinguishing the Protestant Church in Ireland again, in destroying the cor porations, which have been hitherto (amongst human means), the most prominent in preserving Protestant life and property-if he can further sueceed in obtaining an elective magistracy

and, lastly, in so altering the present constitution of the panel, as to secure a jury of Whiteboys to try their brethren in the dock-if he can, I say succeed in effecting all those preparations of anarchy, he is in hopes that there may be a party in the ministry which (influenced by a feeling similar to what we are told was once expressed by Lord Clarendon), may wish to get rid of all the trouble of governing Ireland; and may be, for handing over the few remaining Protestants that shall then be found, to his tender mercies, in the capacity of Chancellor, Attorney-General, or Chief Secretary; or, should Providence dispose the hearts of our rulers otherwise should they open their eyes at last to the folly of expecting to bind down this Protean monster by any ties, save those of physical compulsion-then, indeed, he may meditate bringing forward the measure seriously. And only see what a 'vantage ground he will then stand on in urging the Repeal question. In Ireland, Protestantism, (the only link that binds us to England), beaten down and crushed, and ready to embrace any alternative that may be offered, sooner than endure the slow but consuming fires of persecution to which she shall

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then be exposed. In England, a large portion, even of the most reflecting and loyal, disgusted at their "most filthy bargain," and indifferent to, if not anxious for, a separation. Is this an unlikely feeling to arise in England? Look to the course he is now pursuing, both in and out of doors. Seditione, dolis, scelere"-" Intra muros peccatur et extra." The whole business of the country impeded the great council of the nation occupied in listening to inflammatory harangues which, in reality, are intended, not for the house, but for the SCOUNDRELS out of the house; furious invectives against every public officer who dares to do his duty; and such veracious tales, as how, once upon a time, an Irish baronet was brought before a court-martial, and hanged up at his own hall-door, for not entertaining some hungry ensigns, &c. &c., for he does not now even aim at the questionable merit of the "paltering fiend" ➡“ he does not lie like the truth." Consider the effect of all this in time, even upon the sober and reflecting part of the English nation. Again, look to the course he is now pursuing with regard to the lower orders. Look at the famishing and ferocious banditti with which that hitherto unhappy land will be infested, if his fiendish advice is adopted. They are, it seems, to withdraw their money from the savings banks, in order, doubtless, to spend it at the ale-house-to drink the Liberator's health, who (like his predecessor, Jack Cade), will soon make "the three-hooped pot have ten hoops," and to devote any little surplus that may remain to the establishment of a new O'Connell fund, in addition to that pretty Dangelt which he has already inflicted on the wretched peasantry of his native land.

What a striking similarity, when we compare the awful circumstances of England, in the year 1819, with the state of Ireland at present and would we could say of Ireland alone-if the present system be long continued. Indeed, at all periods of the history of the world, the precursory signs of revolution and rebellion have been much the same, and this sameness of symptoms is a most providential safeguard. It seems to be one among the many indications of the way in which a moral Providence controuls the affairs of the universe. The Supreme Disposer of events does not

interpose a miracle to stay "the madness of the people ;" but, if the rulers should be perverse or infatuated enough not "to ask a sign of the Lord," in the hour of peril, he forces one upon their view, if they will but have "the eyes to see, or the ears to hear." He seems to call their attention to the records of the human race, where they will find that He has established it as a lawthat similar effects spring from similar causes; to the invariable connexion which has ever subsisted between unchecked licentiousness and open rebellion to the various instances in which (under his protection), promptness and energy have saved the land: and when fear and despondency are paralyzing their counsels, He seems to say to them, as to the Jewish leader, Why criest thou unto me; speak unto the children of Israel, that they go forward." Yes, it is the fact, that whilst that true wisdom, which marks the statesman, is ever rich and new, and varying in its resources, prospective, remedial, all-embracing, consulting for the interests of the whole community, and not for the present occasion merely, but, for ages yet unborn; a merciful Providence seems, on the other hand, to have restricted the cunning of the agitator. He cannot find out channels for " abounding iniquity." He must fall back upon the clumsy artifices of his predecessor in guiltthe vulgar invective "the scurril jest

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the lie so oft o'erthrown." Hence it is that we see so strong, so pervading, a likeness between such portions of the history of mankind. It is but the same filthy agents, working upon the same filthy materials; but, perhaps, in no parallel that could be traced, are the points of resemblance stronger than between the period I have just alluded to and the present. If we wish to refresh our recollections on the subject, (and it will be a refreshment in more ways than one), let us take up any one of three of the most powerful displays of senatorial eloquence that ever thundered within the walls of a British parliament, the speeches of Grenville, Canning, and Plunkett-bursts which seemed at once to awaken the slumbering, moral might of England, and call upon her to shake off the horrible nightmare by which she had been so long convulsed.

What do we find then upon a survey

of that period? Itinerant demagogues, paid too, not men loving mischief for mischief's sake; but influenced by more selfish and solid considerations; Penny subscription orators, "Fortune hunters who would not court even deformity it self until they found that she was well portioned."Fellows of this description, assembling large and ferocious mobs, under the preposterous pretence of petitioning; but in fact for the purposes of intimidation and disorder. Again, a licentious and infidel press; and (in point of talent) such a press!!! Black Dwarfs, Medusas, &c. " Gorgons, Hydras and Chimeras dire," It was no longer the Bolingbrokes; the Voltaires; but the Carliles, and the Hones. It was no longer (to borrow the conception of our great painter) the "harlot infidelity" with something like beauty; and tricked out in the ostentatious finery of prostitution; but the same wretched creature, with features bloated and brutalized by excess, beating hemp amidst the vile inmates of the workhouse. It was no longer Satan, under the form of the "archangel ruined," but the foul and venemous "toad squatted at the rabble-ear." We all recollect this vile crew (their dullness unfortunately for a long time operating as a protection) speaking a language to which Englishmen had never been familiarized; the mingled and virulent dialect of treason, blasphemy, "malice, hatred aud all uncharitableness," assailing every order and institution, around which the habitual and long cherished affections of Englishmen had been entwined. Again the magistrates, men, who in defiance of every risk, at the peril of their lives and fortunes, set themselves to stem the desolating torrent; held up to general execration; petitions hawked about from one pot house to another, thumbed by every greasy ruffian, whose name was enrolled as one of the sovereign people, calling for justice on the devoted heads of their oppressors; and those very petitions, presented to the Legislature by certain Knights of the Post," who were ready (in addition to the damning internal evidence upon the documents themselves) to add the still more damning evidence of their own personal testimony. Again, the very judges of the land, bullied and brow-beaten, and held up to detestation and assassination; one of them, because he had declared

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his opinion in a charge to the grand jury of York, "that the riots had arisen not so much from actual distress as from acts of evil-minded persons," openly prescribed; astonishment expressed that "none of the staring thousands should raise his knife and plunge it into the bosom of the monster, who could coolly insult his sufferings." Such were some of the symptoms at the awful crisis I have alluded to, a crisis, however, when England's good genius prevailed and rescued her from the most awful fate that God in his inflictions ever sent upon a nation-the despotism of the mob.

Does it then (let me ask) require any very great effort of imagination or any " considering the matter too curiously" to find in the present state of the country a striking parallel to all the circumstances I have just mentioned. After the passing of the bill of 1829, we all flattered ourselves, (however we might have differed upon the accom panying measures,) that at least that horrible goitre; the Catholic Associa tion, had been deracinated. Have our hopes been realized, Has it not again appeared in a form, if possible, still more foul and loathsome. Have we not the Arena pouring forth from its vomitories at midnight, and through the heart of our metropolis, groups, and such groups!!! Spouters, whose style of oratory, (if we must “ squander away" such a term,) may be, for noise, and filth, and fury, compared to those mud volcanoes of which we have lately heard so much. Poor wretched tradesmen swindled out of their weeks earnings, and returning, maddened by want, and riot, and intoxication, to their naked and famishing families. Demogorgon himself, (by way of giving them a foretaste of the liberty they would enjoy under his paternal sway,) ordering his former

honest, trusty," but rather " too drouthy cronies," into the custody of the mob, or turning them out of his room, whenever a little too much of the native prompts them to resist his sovereign commands. "Illase jactat in aula. It is there he wins" brazen opinions" from the mob. "O cives, cives, quærenda pecunia primum est." It is not to be wondered at, that an advocate so well fee'd should stand forth, even in more august assemblies, as the vindicator of the "fine peasantry" which,

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admission for those desolating doctrines that at length shook off every restraint human and divine, and left society, (in Berkeley's admirable phrase) to

the full enjoyment of all the privileges of brutality." When the French revolution," that sudden development of malignant power," discharged the overflowings of ungodliness upon our shores, the ministers of " a pure and undefiled religion" were the first to ❝ stand between the dead and the living, to stay the plague," and under the protecting providence of a merciful "their word was with power" God, and sufficed to avert the destruction with which we were threatened. Hence the hatred which has been ever since entertained by the Satanic host against this body-hence the repeated attempts at every period of public distress, to represent them as the principal agents in producing it. In their vulgar fury they would fain impress upon the excited rabble, a feeling resembling the superstition which exists among the sailors, viz. that it is the devil who has raised the tempest, and that the parson should be thrown overboard to appease his anger. Such has been ever the alliance subsisting be tween anarchy and irreligion; but frightful as the signs of the times are, we trust that the heart is still sound in a large portion of the community. Were it not so, our fate, as a nation, would be a strange one indeed. would have resisted the contagion of infidelity when invested in all the attractions of wit and genius, and something like learning, only to have embraced her when accompanied by every thing vulgar, offensive, and disgusting. This would indeed be a condition worse than that of the Egyptians of old; should have escaped the plague of French frogs only to be consumed by the lice that have been engendered in our own quarters.

(to do him justice) he does with a farcical effrontery that reminds one of the king of the gypsies, in Tom Jones. My people, Mr. Jones, be de most orderly people in de world, dough greatly slandered, and vat is more, dey go about day and night to do me service, and give me de best of vat dey get." So much for the parallel regarding the demagogues. But, alas, what different fates frequently await the labourers in the same glorious cause. * Ille crucem pretium sceleris tulit, hic diadema." Popular ingratitude has sent back poor Hunt to the shoeblacking trade, whilst Dan takes seat in the "collective wisdom," and uses his blacking brush upon clergy, magistrates, and upon all, in fact, who dissent from his plans for the regeneration of Ireland, by restoring the Ivreagh dynasty to the throne of their ancestors. Again, I ask, are the former abominations of the penny vehicles of sedition and irreligion without a parallel in the present times. Look to the vulgar fury directed against the ministers and the ordinances of religion-the indecent levity, (if not a worse feeling) with which the mid-day assassinations: the ferocious assaults committed upon the most exemplary and amiable persons, not only amongst the clergy, but amongst any who dare" to name the name of Christ" in a benighted land, have been received-all the depths of a foul and malignant invention stirred up to furnish forth invectives against some of the most unoffending and Christian spirits-every attempt to procure a proper observance of the Sabbath denounced as an infringement upon the liberties of the people. It is true these paragraphists affect to distinguish between the Christian religion and its ministers. To the touching beauty and sublimity of the former, these gentle spirits are quite alive, but it is against the bloated rectors who "grind the faces of the poor," the officious magistrates, who would exert their authority in enforcing the observance of the ordinances of God, that their gorge rises." But this flimsy pretext cannot deceive any one. same subterfuge was used before by Voltaire and his disciples. It was only against the abuses of Christianity that the patriarch and the philosophers professed to direct their attacks. It was in this way that they gradually gained

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Let us, in the next place, consider the situation in which the magistrates are placed. After what we have lately seen, can it be matter of surprize that in many parts of Ireland they have come to the declared resolution of not acting in tithe cases, a resolution too, openly avowed by men of known loyalty and attachment to the church establishment. Can this be a matter of surprize, I say. Look to the cases of Sir G. Bingham, Captain Burke, and

the various others detailed in the daily papers. Should a gang of lawless ruffians raise the whole country by ringing of chapel bells, blowing of horns, &c. &c., attack a magistrate at the head of a party of police, and should one of them antedate the termination of his days by a gunshot wound instead of the gallows, immediately an inquest is held, wilful murder of course brought in against the magistrate and the whole party. "But is this law? Ay marry is it crowner's quest law." High mass is next said over the murdered innocent. No cross-legged crusader ever had more affecting obsequies performed at his tomb. Anoration is made at the grave,that Mark Antony himself might have taken some valuable hints from for its soothing and pacifying tendency," Sweet friends, let me not stir you up to mutiny." A subscrip tion is next raised for what,in theirphrase, (and indeed with strict justice) is called a "parsecution" of the murderers; and the unfortunate magistrates and police, if they are acquitted by the jury, (which is not always the case) have to run for their lives from the court house, and, at all events, may make up their minds to quit the country. But this even is not the worst. It would be some satisfaction if they could calculate upon the approbation of government; but un

fortunately they are not always certain of this, even after an acquittal by a jury. Look at the case of Graham, certainly nothing so remarkable as this has occurred during all the tithe riots. A farmer refuses to pay the rector his tithe, there is no plea set up, either of poverty or overcharge; the man being a snug substantial y yeoman, and the parish being under composition; his cattle are seized and are to be sold on the next market day. For several days previous to the sale, the country, for ten miles round, is placarded with no tices apprising the "boys to assemble. Assemble they accordingly do, not with the Alpeens merely, but with fire-arms, as the result proved. The magistrate finding it quite hopeless to resist such a mob with the small body of police under his command, calls out the yeo manry corps, in the hope that the presence of such a body might deter the rioters from resisting the law. But all to no purpose. They rush in upon the ranks of the police, and whatever doubts may exist as to the party that fired the first shot, there is no doubt whatever, that a yeoman was shot with in three minutes after the affray began, a tolerably convincing proof that the party came to the ground armed. Well, Graham is brought to trial, and, after

• The farmers name was Doyle. But what is contained in that name!!! "nomina mille, mille nocendi artes." The Rt. Rev. Divine took up the cudgels for his namesake on this occasion, and boldly rested the whole merits of the case upon this one question, viz, "What value had the rector ever given farmer Doyle that he should demand tithe from him? The matter would not be worth noticing, but that a Dr. of Divinity and Ex-fellow of the College set himself seriously to work, and seemed to take some credit to himself for exposing this sophism, as he called it. Sophism!!! Words being arbitrary signs of ideas, every one is at liberty of course, to attach his own meaning to them. But really the Rev. Dr. appears to me to be guilty of as great a misnomer as the fellow (who when found guilty of a violent outrage, and being asked what he had to say in his defence) replied, "Nothing, my Lord, barrin that I didn't think I'd come to such a disaster for a little bit of flirtation." Sophism indeed!! Why, if I recollect my logic, a sophism is a syllogism which, under the appearance of a legitimate form, deceives. But is there any appearance of such a form in this? Is there any semblance of décency in this logical flirtation? What value did the farmer get? Why, simply this. That in consideration of tithe which he probably compounded with his rector for, at the rate of one shilling, be got an abatement of three in his rent. What other value would the Bishop have him get? Is it spiritual value? Is it religious instruction? Woe betide the poor farmer if he received any such value. It would be the worst tithe he ever paid. His back would have suffered for it; and the " Forty stripes, save one" would have been marked on it by way of an emblematic memento, how he ever meddled with the 39 articles of heresy. But though the argument itself is farcical, yet the animus with which it is brought forward is quite apparent. Those only are entitled to the tithe who do impart religious instruction, ergo, &c. &c. &c. Well, I hope the change will be all for the better, and, that when the peasantry are paying the new titheeaters, they may not find "Rehoboams little finger thicker than Solomon's loins."

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