dant matter for disappointment or disgust. Notwithstanding the small minority which voted against the address to the Crown in return for his Majesty's gracious speech, there were, we believe, out of the immediate circle of the Ministers, not ten members of the House of Commons who did not feel either alarm at the obscure announcements which the speech did contain, or disappointment respecting what it did not contain. It is our purpose in this article to discuss with brevity the principal topics of his Majesty's address on the opening of the Parliamentary Sessions, in doing which we shall, neither after the manner of Mr. O'Connell's mild and graceful criticism, call it a bloody and a brutal speech," nor, with the Courtier-like extravagance of Lord Ormelie, describe it as a theme for "joy and congratulation;" but we shall examine it as a ministerial summary of the state of affairs, and the reason for calling the Parliament together, and endeavour to form a judgment upon the occasion for praise or blame which this summary affords. Some of our readers will perhaps think that after the four nights long discourse upon the subject which took place in the House, and in which it certainly cannot be denied that Irishmen took their full, if not their fair share, there remains little necessity for any further animadversion from us, in addition to the store of oratory that has already been poured forth, but we do not mean to follow in the track of the high and mighty rhetoricians who could see but one point in the King's speech, and that, the point which related to the state of this country, we are resolved in our humble way to return the compliment to the Imperial Parliament, and in requital for its discussion of the speech from the Throne á l'Irlandoise, in St. Stephen's Chapel, we shall undertake to discuss it á l'Angloise in this Magazine.

Some of the English newspapers have humorously called the speech a new Chapter of Lamentations, so abundantly does it deal in topics of regret and discomfort, though that most sage of all movers of addresses, Lord Ormelie, thought proper to speak of it as a theme of joy and congratulation. His Lordship, if he proved nothing in the course of his speech, certainly justified its opening sentence, in which he stated the strong sense which he had of his

deficiencies for discharging the duty he had undertaken. This joyous and triumphant speech, consequent no doubt upon the promised blessings of Reform, and the march of "liberality" in every department of politics," laments" the continuance of the civil war in Portugal," regrets" that the endeavours to effect an arrangement between Holland and Belgium have been unsuccessful, tells of the "complaints" which have arisen from the collection of tithes, mentions the causes of complaint in Ireland, and their " unfortunate consequences," and then observes, that it is the "painful duty" of his Majesty to observe the great increase of Irish disturbances. A plain man would suppose there was nothing very hilarious in all this, and an Irishman would certainly have been laughed at, if in pronouncing a panegyric upon this dolorific composition, he had talked of the circumstances it enumerated as matter of congratulation and gladness; but the Ministers had just given the young Lord who moved the address their confidence, and "a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise." If the amount of the wisdom is to be estimated by the degree of blindness which in this instance the gift occasioned, Lord Ormlie must be very wise indeed. But to begin with the beginning-His Majesty states that the period being arrived at which the business of Parliament is usually resumed, he has called the members together for the discharge of the important duties with which they are entrusted. This is indeed a common-place and inconsequential opening for the Royal address to the first Parliament under the new Constitution. It amounts to this"the first week of February having arrived, and it being usual for Parliament to resume its labours in the first week of February, I have, conformably with the ordinary routine of business, called you together that you may attend to your important duties." But no sooner has this dry official reason, which seems as if it were copied from the opening of some Secretary's circular for an annual meeting of a Board of Directors, been formally stated, than his Majesty goes on to say, that never at any time did subjects of greater interest and magnitude call for Parliamentary attention. This is something like a reason appropriate to the time, and would perhaps have been deemed

by the public quite sufficient, even if the precise month, and day of the month had not come when the business of Parliament is "usually resumed." We should not trouble ourselves or our readers with this sort of criticism, were it not that in former days, when Tories with much less pretension as literary amateurs, prepared the King's speech, it was laid hold of by all the witlings of the Whig opposition, and exposed to the ridicule of their critical analysis, while we were given to understand how very differently, and with what striking superiority, the Whigs would have prepared such state documents. We really cannot discern the promised improvement, now that they have the affair all in their own hands. We suspect that the responsibilities under which Cabinet Ministers communicate with the public are very considerable checks upon the ornaments of style, and nice properties of composition. Lord Brougham and Vaux has no doubt discovered that a paragraph in the King's speech is a very different thing from a paragraph in the Edinburgh Review, and all Lord John Russell's experience in writing tragedies may not have rendered him perfectly competent to give to a tragic state paper the most exquisite precision of language and arrange

ment.

The speech proceeds to lament the continuance of the civil war in Portugal, which has for some months existed between the Princes of the House of Braganza. From the commencement of the contest, his Majesty states, he has abstained from all interference, except such as was required for the protection of British subjects resident in Portugal, and he assures the Parliament that he shall not fail to avail himself of any opportunity that may be afforded him to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the interests of his dominions are so intimately connected. Now we will venture to affirin that there is not a man in the three kingdoms even tolerably well acquainted with public affairs, who does not know that this statement which the King has been advised to make to his Parliament is directly untrue. All Europe rings with the fact that Great Britain has virtually interfered in the contest. Her Government has made no open declaration on the subject, but it is notorious that British men and officers, British money,

and British provisions have sustained Don Pedro in his position at Oporto. It is certain that in defiance of the Foreign Enlistment Act, which the Government did not enforce, the men and munitions of war for the service of Don Pedro were sent out from this country. Large ships were purchased, and not only openly, but ostentatiously were fitted out as war ships and victualled in the River Thames. The newspapers in the influence of the Government were day after day loud and vehement in support of Don Pedro, and in abuse of Don Miguel, and even now it is certain that the business of Sir Stratford Canning, at the Court of Madrid, is to negociate, if not in favour of Don Pedro, certainly against Don Miguel. What then are we to think of the integrity and the honest dealing of the King's Ministers with the public, when in the face of these facts they make the Sovereign declare that he has abstained from all interference except what is necessary for the protection of British subjects resident in Portugal ? The best that can be said of it is, that it is a paltry quibble; the King may say he has not interfered because there has been no official declaration of interference on the part of the Government, but the King's subjects-nay his servants paid by the country, have been allowed to interfere, and the most palpable favour has been shown by all connected with the King's Government to the cause of the invader at Oporto. But setting aside this ministerial declaration of non-interference, as a gross evasion of truth, if not a direct and absolute falsehood, and looking at the facts as they really are, let us ask why the Government should, in point of policy, or in consistency with their own principles of deference to the popular will, have countenanced Don Pedro as they have done? We can find no satisfactory answer to this question, and we are forced to seek for an explanation in what was stated by Lord Aberdeen in commenting upon this passage of the speech of the Throne. I am most unwilling," said his Lordship, “to attribute motives to the conduct of a set of men, but I cannot refrain from saying that all over Europe the existing policy towards Portugal is attributed to personal vanity and self-love on the part of some of the noble lords connected with the administration, ob

stinately blind to the sacrifices which they make to the interests of their country." The policy of our Governmentt in this matter is bad, because it completely alienates from English interests the present Government of Portugal, for the sake of the very remote chance of a greater interest being established with Don Pedro's Government should he be successful, whereas if even so very improbable a thing as the success of the invader, were to come to pass, the probability is, that a matrimonial connection would be immediately formed with the family of the French King, and the advantages of Portuguese commerce would be more likely to flow to France than to Great Britain.

But if it were true that Great Britain could put Don Pedro or his daughter on the Throne of Portugal in the room of Miguel, and that we were likely to reap advantage from the change, what right have we to interfere with the will of the Portuguese people, or with their ancient laws, and by both, is the sovereignty of Don Miguel supported. No one has now the hardihood to deny that Miguel is popular with the Portuguese people. Not a single man in Portugal has volunteered to aid the invader-his supporters are all foreigners, with the exception of some Portuguese exiled for violation of the laws of their country. Don Miguel is not merely Sovereign according to the ancient laws, which adopts the second Son of the Sovereign, Prince, when the eldest succeeds to, and resides in, a larger kingdom or lordship, but he is also expressly chosen and declarded King by the three orders of the State lawfully convened and assembled, and the declaration is approved and adhered to by the whole population. Don Miguel may be, according to our notions, a tyrant, and a man not worthy to reign, but surely if the Portuguese are pleased with him, it is their affair, not ours; and we are to them most unreasonable and unjustifiable tyrants, if merely upon our notion of what is best for them, we insist upon their dethroning a King whom they approve, and taking one in his stead whom they despise and detest, though our Ministers look upon him as a marvellous proper

man.

The next section of the speech relates to the ill success of the King's Government in the adjustment of the

differences between Holland and Belgium, with a notice of the capture of Antwerp, and an intimation that the embargo on the Dutch commerce was to be continued. It would be superfluous, if not presumptuous, for us to dwell in this place, upon the general features of the Dutch and Belgian question which have been made familiar to this country in one of the most eloquent and effective speeches of modern times, publicly delivered not long since by a distinguished member of our University. The impolicy, the injustice, the national wickedness of the course which our Government has unhappily taken in this business, have been exhibited in language too convincing to be combatted, and too forcible to be forgotten. We need not point out to public detestation those "anxious endeavours" to effect a definitive arrangement between Holland and Belgium, the unsuccessfulness of which our Ministers "have to regret ;" but with regard to this notice of these disgraceful proceedings in the King's speech, we have to observe, that there is no expression of regret or remorse for the blood shed, and the property destroyed at Antwerp, while there is an elaborate compliment to the " good faith and honour with which the French Government has acted in these transactions :" there is nothing said of the injury which the commerce of Great Britain is every day suffering from the absurd and unjustifiable embargo, without any cause for, or declaration of war, while we are very complacently given to understand that the embargo is continued on Dutch commerce, as a punishment for the nonsubmission of Holland to the dictation of France, supported by the fatuity of England.

From the notice of Foreign affairs, the Speech proceeds to an intimation of the approaching termination of the Charters of the Bank of England, and the East India Company, which "will require a revision of their establishments.” There is so much vagueness-so much internal obscurity, in the arrangement respecting these great institutions, that it is impossible to form with any degree of probable correctness, a notion of the plan of innovation which is in contemplation with regard to them. It is indeed more than probable that as yet no plan has been determined upon, and they are merely mentioned that they

might not appear to have been forgotten. In the mean time, what has been said, is quite sufficient to excite alarm in all those whose property is at stake in these establishments. To thoroughly understand the various bearings of these two great monopolies, upon the money and the trade of the Empire to judge of their advantages and disadvantages, and to strike a just balance between, would require a depth and closeness of examination, a patience of deliberation, and a soundness of capacity in decision, for which the quietest times, and the best possible temper of the public, would barely suffice. It therefore seems extremely unfortunate that their "revision" should have to take place when the rage of innovation is at its height, and extreme impatience, and rashness in the trial of experiments in public matters are the characteristics of the time. This circumstance of itself is sufficient to create alarm in the minds of all whose interest it is to have a decision respecting these great corporations, founded on knowledge and consideration, not on prejudice and headlong conceit; but there is another and a very grave cause of alarm under such a Government as that which at present rules over us. That Government, if it continues to act as it has acted, would sacrifice these establishments to the popular cry, should it appear likely that by so doing they might make more sure of continuing in the receipt of pay and the possession of patronage. They sacrificed the old House of Commons as a last desperate throw for the maintenance of office, and they succeeded at the expense of convulsing the country not for the moment, but for a time the end of which is not yet, nor soon to arrive. In all probability they would even more readily sacrifice the interests involved in the Bank and the East India Company, as individually they are likely to be less concerned in their fall. With regard to the Bank, how ever, it has a hold as a creditor of the Government, to an amount which Government would find it by no means easy to repay. The East India Company's privileges are more likely also to offer an inducement for popular cupidity to overthrow, in the blind expectation of reaping advantage from that which nothing but the management and the means of the Company render profitable. We do not suppose that dur

ing the present session any very important step will be taken respecting either, but it would be too much to expect that these establishments, or any other, will escape out of the hands of the Reformed Parliament, (eager as it is to stamp its impression upon every thing,) without some threatening and injurious blow.

the

We now come to the consideration of that part of the Speech relating to the English Church, "more particularly as regards its temporalities, and the maintenance of the clergy." This presents of itself a field of discussion so ample, that we shall not attempt to enter in this cursory notice of many different topics, upon its examination, and the rather, as we shall have a better opportunity of speaking upon it when the grievances, and the redress for them, which are now only hinted at, shall have been detailed to the Parliament by his Majesty's ministers, who have deemed themselves not incompetent to undertake in the model of other pressing affairs, the difficult, delicate, and important subject of Church Reform. We cannot however omit to notice that in this Speech from the throne, delivered by the King himself, who has sworn to maintain the rights and privileges of the Church as by law established, without any reservation whatever; Parliament is told that it may be necessary to consider what remedies may be applied for the correction of “acknowledged abuses." This we submit is language which in the present state of the Church question, no legislator is justified in using. Coming from the Government, it is, to say the best of it, most unbecoming, and uncalled for; but from the King in person-the head of the Church, there is something in it that we are unwilling, if indeed we were able, to speak of in the language in which it seems to us that it deserves to be spoken of. So far as close observation enables us to judge of the feeling and temper of the English Hierarchy in this threatening period, they are well disposed, and some of them perhaps more than sufficiently ready, to listen favourably to whatever plans of improvement the Government may think necessary for the satisfaction of the country, provided these plans do not go to the spoliation of the Church as a body. The Bishop of London, who, for a man of energy and decision

in the discharge of his episcopal duties, is somewhat of a yielding disposition in matters of public opinion and state policy, has been pleased to state his confidence that the Government will not attempt any change, the plan of which would be to alter the present general characters of the Church Establishment, and to add that if that principle be maintained, his opposition will not be given to the intended improvements. We suppose the Right Reverend Metropolitan feels tolerably certain that the improvements to be proposed will not include any provision that there shall be no translation in future, from the See of London to that of Canterbury.

The same reasons which induce us to pass so briefly over the notice of English Church Reform in the King's Speech, influence us yet more strongly to avoid in this place the almost direct threat of absolute spoliation which is levelled against the Church Establishment in Ireland. Even Sir Robert Peel, who seems to have been affected with a most courteous passion to say soft and civil things to His Majesty's Whig ministers in his Speech on the address, felt some qualins when he came to the notice regarding the Church in Ireland, and said he should look upon the execution of a separate principle with regard to the Irish Establishment with alarm-some of the reports say "horror," but from so soothable a gentleman as Sir Robert, it does not matter much. We write these pages upon the eve of Lord Althorp's developement of the designs of the Government in this matter, and we shall not pronounce by anticipation, upon that of which we may know the certainty, before we close this article.

The notice taken of Financial matters in his Majesty's speech, is extremely brief, doubtless because it was a theme upon which the Ministers felt a particular delicacy in touching. They were well aware of the anxiety with which the people of England looked for some announcement that might give hope of a reduction of taxation, and finding it impossible to hold out such a hope, the Ministers hurried from the ungrateful subject to one in which they were more likely to meet with public sympathy. In Ireland we have little notion of the deep concern which all classes of Englishmen take in that matter-of-fact de

partment of politics which relates to the national finances. Our taste here is for more exciting topics, or if we concern ourselves in public questions concerning pounds, shillings and pence, it is because they are connected with local matters. We do not continually think of the public funds, with reference to their political indications, nor does the sight of a tax-gatherer lead us into cogitation upon the stability of the British Monarchy. But in England so great is the pressure of taxation, either real or supposed, upon the middling classes, that finance is in all their thoughts, and we do not go too far when we affirm that the desire to shift the burthen of their taxes, or to abolish them altogether, has been at the bottom of all the mighty changes which the last two or three years have exhibited in the political temper of the people of Great Britain. It is true, that concurrent circumstances of neglect and contumely, and above all, the contagion of the French revolution of 1830 aided in hurrying into action the angry spirit of the people, and in causing the cup, which had long been brimming full, to overflow; but the substance of the discontent was the heavy taxation, and relief from it was and is the real and substantial “finality" which the people looked to when they forced the Reform Bill into law. The omission therefore, of any allusion to a reduction or readjustment of taxation in the King's speech has given the people of England an indifference respecting the fate of the present administration, the effects of which they are likely soon to feel. An opinion has got hold of the people that the taxation is not fairly distributed. They say it does not bear sufficiently upon the possessors of large properties, and that the middling and poorer classes pay too much in proportion to their means. The rich, they say, must make sacrifices to the State in proportion to their riches, and this they reckon upon being accomplished by the Reformed Parliament. The Ministers have not held out the expectation that they will take the lead in effecting this change, and the probability is, that the Parliament will take the matter into its own hands, and abolish the taxes which bear hardest upon the middle classes, leaving the Minister to make up the deficiency as he best can. The first blow will probably be struck