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with which the neat and convenient size of these useful manuals are in perfect conformity. We trust most sin cerely that the general opinion shall be found to coincide with our own, and that Mr. Rennie may receive in his progress, the ample encouragement to which his efforts are unquestionably entitled.

FAMILY LIBRARY, No. 36. SIX MONTHS IN THE WEST INDIES, IN 1825, by Henry Nelson Coleridge, M.A. late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Third Edition with additions. London, J. Murray. 1832. EVERY number of the Family Library, as it appears, confirms us in the expectations which we had formed, from the very outset of the work, of its inevitable success. To render the literature of the day attainable by those whose means were not proportioned to their thirst for knowledge, in its very design was praiseworthy, and, we are happy to be enabled to add, has won unlimited applause in the course of its execution. The subject of our present notice is the third edition of No. 36, to which we may address the somewhat commonplace, but in this instance, at least, most justly applicable compliment, that it is fully equal to any of its predecessors. It is written in a very happy, and rather light and humorous style, containing but few pages which are not enlightened and enlivened by some sparkling effusions of a ready and agreeable wit. We regret that our limits prevent our giving any extracts from this most entertaining volume, should our readers however, desire a single specimen, whereby they may be enabled to judge at once of the book, and of the propriety of our remarks, we would refer them to the Crossing the Tropic,' page 31.

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REPUBLIC OF LETTERS. Edited by H. Whitelaw, Editor of the Casquet. Glasgow; Blackie and Son, 1833. These elegant volumes, of which the fourth and concluding one has been just published, contain a selection of the most popular fugitive pieces, which have appeared from time to time in the leading periodicals, and to which a more permanent and enduring fame is given by their being embodied in a work which should form part of the library of every lover of the lighter tales of fiction. We are proud to see among the

articles selected as worthy a permanent place in the literature of the country, several originally published in that defunct and much-to-be-lamented (as the E. M, P. would say,) periodical, the Dublin Literary Gazettee, and among these, some by the talented author of "Traits and Stories."

We sincerely recommend these volumes to the attention of all the lovers of the light literature of the day, and feel assured that the attractive nature of their contents, conjoined with their moderate price, will obtain for them an extensive sale and a favoured position in the book-case or on the table of every one who seeks to pass a vacant hour in the most delightful of all occupations.

ESSAY ON MINERAL AND THERMAL SPRINGS. By Dr. Gairdner.

For the present we can merely notice this book as a learned and ingenious essay on a subject most interesting to the Chemist and Geologist, as we in tend to devote a separate article to this subject in a future number, when we will be able to enter more fully into this able essay on a topic of great importance, as it is intimately connected with the great problems of the Geognostic Structure and Physical constitution of the Globe. We most strongly recommend it to the notice of our scientific friends.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, No. 9, IRELAND; a Tale by Hariet Martineau. London, C. Fox, 1832.

HARIET MARTINEAU has again appeared before the public, in a ninth number of Illustrations of Political Economy. It was our original purpose to enter fully into the details of this and some other of Miss Martineau's tracts, but a press of more important matter obliges us for the present, to content ourselves with a brief sketch of the work before us. At some future period-perhaps on the appearance of her promised "Investigation of the long subsisting causes of Irish distress""-we may make some atonement for our present neglect. Having discussed the injuries inflicted on Ireland by a gradation of landlords, and partnership transactions, Miss Martineau favours us with her views on the introduction of Poor Laws into this country, and on the effects of absen

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teeism. Her reasonings are so ingenious, that we could, with Dr. Johnson, almost wish them conclusive. The last subject treated of, is that of tithes; and in this place we have the common-place objections,-viz., the hardships of the peasantry supporting a heterodox clergy, and contributing to the maintenance of a church from which they receive no advantage in return.

We cannot forbear quoting one or two sentences of the book itself on this head: "The incumbent of the parish is induced even to give up his tithes, retrench his expences, and, along with his family, live with the utmost frugality." The construction put upon such generosity we thus become acquainted with: "When reminded that the remission was an act of free grace on Mr. Orme's part, they replied, Thank him for nothing; he would never have got another pound of tithe in this parish, as he probably knows. He gives up only what he could not touch."

Without entering into the merits of her reasoning, we will be excused for

remarking that the agitation of such a subject, more particularly at the present juncture, is strangely at variance with the professed object of a person who wishes to ameliorate the condition of the country, by reconciling the conflicting parties, whose divisions now distract it.

The hero of the story, whose achievements form the premises from whence the above conclusions have been deduced, is an humble labourer, who, on being ejected from his holding, becomes a Whiteboy; commits, in company with his fellow maurauders, crimes most unheard of; hangs out false lights to seaward on tempestuous nights, &c.; whose wife is transported for writing threatening notices, and who escapes justice himself, for the purpose, we suppose, of adorning Miss Martineau's next work on the improvement of Ireland. Her concluding words are→ "Dan shall henceforth be heard of, not seen, by the victims of his virulence. He who was once the pride, is now the scourge of the Glen of Echoes."

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"Zeal for the public good is the characteristic of a man of honor and a gentleman, and must take place of pleasures, profits, and all other private gratifications. Whoever wants this motive is an open enemy, or an inglorious neuter to mankind, in proportion to the misapplied advantages with which nature and fortune have blessed him." These are the words of Sir Richard Steele, in a courtly dedication, (no very likely place to meet with truth,) yet we hold them to be just and honest, and applicable to all times, but more especially to periods when public affairs appear to be full of danger, and neither the applause of the multitude, nor the favor of the government can be looked for, by those whose zeal is not on the side of revolution. Such a period is the present, and we therefore feel it to be our duty to enter at once boldly upon the field of political discussion, although it is one in which we shall be obliged to contemplate a great deal that will give us no satisfaction, and to undertake the combat, with the odds fearfully against us. We are however, not appalled or disheartened; for we know that our cause is good-it is one not of party, but of principle-not of faction, but of justice. We do not want this or that man to be a Minister of the Crown, or a leader in the Parliament. We desire, that religion may be respected, and upheld, and its institutions saved from innovating and destroying hands-that the great political VOL. I.

establishments of the country may not be rashly disturbed, and ignorantly overthrown,-that the wise and the well-informed may be our legislators and governors, rather than the shallow conceited and turbulent parasites of a headstrong populace, drunk with religious or political bigotry-that the people may be taught the value of rational freedom, and the curse of popular licentiousness, and that every exertion may be made to better their moral and social condition. These are the objects of our political aspirations, and those who promote these objects are our political friends, by whatever name they may be called. We cannot believe that the majority of the British nation will long remain at enmity with such views as these whether they do or not, our part is taken, we had rather lose every thing in contending for them, than gain every thing else, while they were lost.

Having thus stated the present motive and the ultimate objects with which we undertake the discussion of political affairs, we shall now enter freely upon the task which we propose to ourselves in the present number, namely, to lay before our readers a brief view of the present state of politics, and the probabilities for the future, for so far as we can calculate upon them.

The Tory party-that party which seven years ago made its leaders all but absolute in Great Britain, and before which its opponents contended, without the slightest hope beyond that of

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causing some inconvenience and embarrassment to a cause which could not be effectually impeded. That party is now all but utterly demolished. None foresaw, seven years ago, the course which events were likely to take, and very few up to the latest moment, could believe that the long-established power of the Tory party was to be shaken to its foundation; but now that the ruin has come, we can see well enough why it should have come, and there is no reason that we should not state plainly what we have too late discovered. The Tory party fell, because it deserved to fall. It had long neglected that, without which in this free country no party can, or ought to have, a great and lasting influence, we mean the affectionate respect of the great body of the people. We do not refer to the rabble or the brawlers who lead the rabble, but we mean emphatically the people the thinking mass, whom the Tories took little pains to instruct, and none at all to please. There was nothing like popularity in the system of their government :-wrapped up in the forms of a kind of despotic official routine, which they seemed to think could never be seriously questioned, or effectually disturbed, they put away the people from them with cold repulsiveness, and they took no pains to make a figure before the nation, such as might obtain popular respect, if not affection. They had official power, and were content with its possession-they took no pains to convince the people that they deserved it. They forgot or neglected the system of Pitt. They did not seek out intellectual ability, nor encourage it when it came before them. They rather treated it with with official superciliousness. There were no able writers-no gifted orators encouraged and brought forward by the Tory government; much more ready were they to give them up as sacrifices to the enemy, than to reward them as friends. Men of ability and spirit, were allowed no fair chance, for none but those who would become the hangers on of official, or otherwise highly influential patrons, were taken notice of nor was this disposition shewn merely at head quarters, it was the same throughout the country; and though there were, of course, many exceptions, yet the general character of the Tory aristocracy was that of re

serve and exclusiveness. They held themselves apart from the class which is the strength of the country.

It was not easy for men in the situation of the Tories, to find out the error they were committing, and the terrific danger that they were bringing upon the principles which, if fairly and judiciously maintained, would never have come into disrepute. Men with immense power to reward and punish, are seldom told of their faults, while there is never wanting to them a crowd of flatterers, who, partly from their base and cringing natures, and partly from habit, never cease to applaud even the most preposterous acts or opinions of those, whom they deem it to be their interest to please. Thus, it happened that the party made no preparation against the evil day; they had no notion of the deep-seated hatred that was borne them-no suspicion that many even of those who pretended to be their friends, yearned for an opportunity to feed fat the ancient grudge they bore them, and to exult on their discomfiture. At last came the explosion, and revengeful feeling against the Tories had its fill; but there is much reason to suppose, that even still the Tory leaders perceive not the error which alienated their old supporters or at least that they do not regard their former conduct as erroneous. To this moment the English Tories do not dream, as a party, of cultivating the sympathies of the people, and making themselves strong in the respect and affection of the able and honest men of all conditions in life.

But if the Tories were harsh, and cold, and unbending to the great mass of those of whom they might have made warm friends, they shewed during the last seven years of their power, no such sternness to the leaders of the Whig faction, or the plausible advocates of anti-conservative theories. Year after year did the dexterous flatterers of the Whig party, who had found out at length the weak side of the Tory magnates, cajole them into concessions, which were no sooner obtained than they were used as vantage ground to undermine yet further the Tory strength. The Whigs, after having found the fruitlessness of direct opposition, which alarmed the pride of the Tories, and put them upon their

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mettle, chose a different and much more successful method of wresting from them their ascendancy: they affected to be almost of one mind with the Tories, who, on their part, not to be out-done in courtesy, could no longer think of rejecting any proposition of such civil opponents; wonderful was the harmony and unanimity of the Houses of Parliament, while every bulwark of the Tory power was suffered to crumble away. His Majesty's Tory ministers, called the Whigs, with condescending jocularity His Majesty's opposition," while the leading Whigs lost no opportunity to speak of the " liberality" and "enlightened views," which distinguished the Tory measures. These measures were the several steps in which the old policy of Great Britain, by which she became the mighty nation that she then might well boast herself to be, was either abandoned or reversed. The laws for the encouragement of her manufactures for the protection of her trade and her navigation, were first allowed to be overthrown, and the ruin was crowned by yielding up the political supremacy of the Established Protestant Religion of the country. At last it came to this, that the Tory government was spoken of by its own supporters, as a Tory government, acting upon Whig principles. This was the consummation, and the work was that of the Tories themselves-of the Tories, not yielding to the desires of the people, but offending the people, in order to catch the applause, and conciliate the favour of an insidious faction. These suicidal errors of the Tories were, however, not universal to the party, a portion of them saw and felt the fatal mistakes of the general body, and separated themselves from it in disgust. Unhappily, in their anger against those, who they believed had betrayed them, they did not perceive the advantage which they gave to an enemy more dangerous, because more actively willed, than the beguiled and unfaithful whigified Tories. They lent their aid to the Whig opposition; the opportunity was given, for which the Whigs had long laboured and watched in vain; they rushed in with an exulting cry, and presently avowed with fiendish mockery their determination to do such things, as, if they did not establish themselves in power,

would certainly render it impossible for the Tories to govern the country false in their promises of good, but faithful in evil, they have kept their word.

We have thought it necessary to digress thus much upon the course of events which has led to the present state of the Tory party, in order to afford a better understanding of what that state is, to vindicate the people at large in the alienation which three years ago they felt from the Tory government, and to shew all those who think the present state of affairs a mere temporary eclipse of the Tory ascendancy, that there is no just reason for such an opinion. Toryism, and the machinery of its power, as it existed previously to November, 1830, are no more, and cannot exist again within our time. Had the reform bill been rejected, it might have been possible to rebuild and renovate the Tory system, the nation might have forgotten the errors of those who conducted it, and have again given them its confidence, but the reform act is (with regard to the empire generally, much more than Ireland individually) effectively a REVOLUTION; the legislating and guiding power of the nation has been thrown into completely new channels, and years will have passed away before it is re-adjusted, during which time it is idle to hope for political rest. A counter-revolution, or years of political strife and agitation are the alternatives that lie before us.

We are as yet upon the threshhold of the dislocated political mansion, to which the reform act is the entrance. We do not know-the nation does not know-the government itself cannot calculate what will be the course of the parliament which has been returned. It is true, there have been classifications of the new members into Conservatives, Whigs, and Radicals. The ministerial journals are full of triumph, and those of the Conservative party full of despondency, as to the result of the elections, but beyond the general tendency to carry forward the tide of change, which has cast them within the haven of parliament, no man can predict the course of such legislators upon the great questions which will come before them.

All who have given even the slightest attention to the study of the English

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