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have been while St. John was still living that he ventured upon forming a strange kind of system and religion, by combining the doctrines and principles of Jesus Christ with those of the Gnostics and Jews. From the Gnostics he borrowed the notions of a Pleroma, Eons, a Demiurge, and the like, but modified, so as to make them seem not quite inconsistent with Jewish opinions. Thus to the creator of this world, whom he thought likewise the lord and lawgiver of the Jewish nation, he ascribed a nature possessed of the highest virtues, and sprung from God himself, but one, he added, which had gradually declined from its native excellence, and fallen upon things unworthy of it. Hence God had determined to subvert his power through one of the most blessed Eons, whose name was Christ. This Christ had entered into a certain Jew named Jesus (a very righteous and holy man, the son of Joseph and Mary, by ordinary generation), by descending upon him in the form of a dove, at the time when he was baptized by John in the river Jordan. After his union with Christ, this Jesus vigorously assailed the God of the Jews, the world's creator; and by his instigation, Jesus was seized by the rulers of the Jewish nation and nailed to the cross. But when Jesus was apprehended Christ flew away to heaven, so that only the man Jesus was put to death. Cerinthus required his followers to worship the supreme God, the father of Christ, together with Christ himself, but to abandon the Jewish Lawgiver, whom he accounted the creator of this world; and, while they retained some parts of the Mosaic law, to regulate their lives, chiefly by the precepts of Christ. He promised them a resurrection of their bodies, which would be succeeded by exquisite delights, in the millenary reign of Christ; and then would follow a happy and never-ending life in the celestial world. For Cerinthus supposed that Christ would hereafter return, and would unite himself again with the man Jesus, in whom he had before dwelt, and would reign with his followers during a thousand years in Palestine.1

pay no regard to chronological order; and the second falls, because the epistle is not genuine. Schl.1-[But see on this subject, Fr. Ad. Lampe, Commentar. in Johan. Proleg. lib. ii. c. 3, § 13, &c. p. 181, &c. Tr.]

1

[The doctrines of Cerinthus are stated in full by C. W. F. Walch, Hist. Ketz. i. 260, &c., and by Mosheim, Institut. hist. Christ. major. p. 445, and Comment. de Reb. Christ. p. 196.-Irenæus, adv. Hæres. iii. 3, says he had heard from various persons that Polycarp told them, that the apostle John once met Cerinthus in a public bath at Ephesus, and instantly fled out, saying he was afraid the bath would fall on that enemy of the truth and kill him. This story may be true, notwithstanding Irenæus had it from third-hand testimony. But the addition to it, that Cerinthus was actually killed by the fall of the building, as soon as John was gone out, was first annexed in

Ire

modern times by the Dominican Bernhard
of Luxemburg, in his Catalogus Hæreticorum,
and it deserves no credit. See Walch, ubi
supra, p. 225. Schl. - Cerinthus 'seems to
have had his residence for some time at
Ephesus; and he found the people in that
country but too well disposed to embrace
his doctrines. He inculcated, as I have
stated, the greatest laxity of morals.'
næus says that St. John wrote his Gospel 'to
root out the erroneous doctrine which had
been spread by Cerinthus, and some time
before by the Nicolaitans.' (Burton's Eccle-
siastical History, 274, 281.) According
to Irenæus, Cerinthus taught that the world
was created by a power quite subordinate
to the highest God, which did not even
so much as know this God, who was elevated
above everything. According to Epipha-
nius, he held that the world was created by
angels.' (Rose's Neander, ii. 51.) Neander

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17. Those who maintained the necessity of the Mosaic law and ceremonies in order to eternal salvation, had not proceeded so far in this century as to have no communion with such as thought differently. They were, therefore, accounted brethren, though weaker ones. But after the second destruction of Jerusalem in the reign of Adrian, when they withdrew from other Christians and set up separate congregations, they were regarded as sectarians, who had deviated from the true doctrines of Christ. Hence arose the names Nazarenes and Ebionites; by which those Christians, who erred from excessive attachment to the Mosaic law, were distinguished from their brethren generally, whose opinion was, that the system established by Moses had been abrogated by Christ. These Nazarenes or Ebionites, however, though commonly set down among the sects of the apostolic age, really belong to the second century, in which they first attracted notice.

subsequently expresses a doubt whether Cerinthus thought the creating angels really ignorant of the Supreme God, but rather inclines to a belief that he considered their acquaintance with the paramount Deity, and his abode, imperfect; fuller information upon such subjects waiting for a revelation through the divine Logos, or Word. At the head of the creating angels was placed one who promulged the Mosaic law, which Cerinthus represented as greatly superior to any anterior religious system, but immeasurably below the Messiah's revelation. He considered Jesus chosen to make this on account of his extraordinary qualities, intellectual, moral, and religious. But he himself had no suspicion of his destination to this illustrious office, until he was baptized by John,

when the Supreme Logos, or Spirit of God, came down upon him from heaven, in the likeness of a dove, and sank into his heart. He was thus connected with the Supreme God, and hence elevated in rank, power, and wisdom above this whole world, and the angels who preside over it. He now had such a perfect knowledge of the Supreme God, and of heavenly things, that the angels might learn of him, and it was by virtue of the Spirit united with him that he wrought miracles. While this union continued, suffering was impossible; but the Spirit flew up again to the Father, and the man Jesus was violently cut off. S.]

On the Nazarenes and Ebionites, see cent. ii. pt. ii. c. v. § 2, 3, and notes.

SECOND CENTURY.

PART I.

THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.

CHAPTER I.

THE PROSPEROUS EVENTS OF THE CHURCH.

1. Character of the Roman emperors § 2. Propagation of Christianity in the Roman empire-§ 3. Countries enlightened by Christianity-§ 4. Conversion of the Germans. -5. The Gauls converted-§ 6. Translations of the N. T.-§ 7. Apologies and other writings of Christians §8. Miracles and extraordinary gifts-§ 9. Miracle_ of the thundering legion-§ 10. It is uncertain-§ 11. Sedition and slaughter of the Jews— $12. Philosophers become Christians.

1. MOST of those who governed Rome in this age were of the milder cast. Trajan,' though too eager for glory, and not always sufficiently considerate and provident, was a kind and clement prince. Adrian' was rather harsher, yet still not absolutely bad or unjust, but, in fact, a compound of virtues and vices. Than the Antonines3 nothing could be better and more benign. Even Severus, who afterwards assumed another character, was at first oppressive to no one, and to the Christians mild and equitable.

§ 2. Through this lenity of the emperors, Christians living in the Roman empire suffered far less than they would have done if they had been under severer lords. The laws enacted against them were indeed sufficiently hard; and the magistrates, excited by the priests and the populace, often made considerable havoc among them, and went frequently much beyond what the laws required. Yet for these evils some relief was commonly attainable. Trajan would not have the Christians to be sought after, and ordered no account to be taken of anonymous accusations against them. Antoninus Pius even decreed,

1 A.D. 98-117.

2 A.D. 117-183.

'Pius, A.D. 133-161. Marcus Aurelius the Philosopher, A.D. 161-180, with Verus, A.D. 161-169, and Commodus, a.d. 169-192. 4 A.D. 193-211. * See Pliny's Epistles, lib. x. ep. 98.

[This is a short epistle from the emperor in answer to a long one, which stands immediately before it, and which seeks the imperial direction in dealing with proceedings against Christians. Among the engines which assailed them were anonymous

that their accusers should be punished. Some in one way, and others in another, protected them against the evil designs of the populace and the priests. Hence the Christian community increased, and became vastly numerous in this century. Of this fact we have the clearest testimony of the ancients, which some have vainly attempted to call in question.2

§ 3. On what particular countries, both within the Roman empire and beyond it, the light of heavenly truth first shone in this century, the scantiness of ancient records will not allow us to state with precision. There are unexceptionable witnesses, who declare, that in nearly all the East, and among the Germans, Spaniards, Celts, Britons, and other nations, Christ was now worshipped as God.3 But if any

accusations affecting many individuals. Pliny says, propositus est libellus sine auctore, multorum nomina continens. When considerable numbers were apprehended upon such information, many of them seem immediately to have disclaimed Christianity, and to have paid, in confirmation, divine honours to the gods. Trajan thus disposes of the anonymous accusers: sine auctore vero propositi libelli nullo crimine locum habere debent. It is evident also that he wished them to be unmolested, as he said, conquirendi non sunt, but he did not venture to promise them security. If regularly convicted, they were to pay the legal penalty. Si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt. But then he would not allow any to be punished who took part in heathen rites, when called in question, however suspicious their former conduct might have been. Qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa manifestum fecerit, id est, supplicando dis nostris, quamvis suspectus in præteritum fuerit, veniam ex pænitentia impetret. This, though a strong temptation to sinful compliances for a temporary purpose, was an important protection against malicious feelings and sinister designs. Trajan's letter does not, however, manifest religious feeling of any kind. Even in forbidding governors to act upon anonymous information, it goes no further than stamping such proceedings as highly dangerous, and unworthy of an enlightened age. Pessimi exempli, nec nostri sæculi est. Trajan writes like an honourable soldier, not like a philosopher or a lawgiver studying the good of mankind. His approbation of Pliny's general conduct was harsh and severe. His saying that Christians were not to be searched for, shows an opinion of their innocence, and also some fear of them; his adding that they were to be punished if brought before him is scarcely just. Tertullian is eloquent upon this inconsistency.

Pliny had the government of the province of Bithynia, or Pontus and Bithynia; but he was not called proconsul, only pro

prætor with proconsular power; his letter to Trajan was written from his province, and might be dated in the year 106 or 107. -Hey's Lectures, i. 202. S.]

Eusebius, H. E. iv. 13 [where the law of Antoninus is given at length [with a reference to] Melito. Some indeed have supposed that it was Marcus Antoninus, and not Antoninus Pius, who issued this decree. (So Valesius in loc.) But this is contrary to the express testimony of Eusebius, and to the contents of the edict itself. For we know from history, that the earthquakes mentioned in the edict happened under Pius. See Capitolinus, Life of Antoninus Pius, cap. 3. Besides, if Marcus himself had published this edict, Melito could have had no occasion, by his Apology, to implore the grace of the emperor in favour of the Christians.

See Mosheim, de Rebus Christ. &c. p. 240. Schl.] [But this edict, which must not be confounded with Antoninus's confirmation of Adrian's Rescript, is spurious. Cf. Rose's Neander, i. 100; Gieseler, i. 131; Robertson, i. 49. Ed.]

2 See Walt. Moyle, de Legione fulminatrice; a Latin translation of which, with notes, I have annexed to my Syntagma Diss. ad sanctiores disciplinas pertinent. p. 652, 661. See also an additional passage, in Justin Martyr, Dial. cum Tryphone, p. 341.

Irenæus, adv. Hæres. i. 10; Tertullian, adv. Judæos, 7. [The testimony of the former is this: Neither do those churches, which are established among the Germans, believe or teach otherwise; nor do those among the Hiberii, or among the Celts; nor those in the East; nor those in Egypt; nor those in Libya; nor those established in the central parts of the world. - The language of Tertullian is rhetorical, and the statement, undoubtedly, somewhat too strong. He says: In whom, but the Christ now come, have all nations believed? For, in whom do all other nations (but yours, the Jews) confide? Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, Armenia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, and inhabit

inquire, which of these nations received Christianity in this century, and which in the preceding? it is not in my power to answer.-Pantanus, master of the school in Alexandria, is said to have instructed the Indians in Christianity.' But these Indians appear to have been certain Jews, living in Arabia Felix. For Pantænus found among them, according to the testimony of Jerome, the Gospel of St. Matthew, which they had received from their first teacher Bartholomew.

§ 4. From Gaul, it would seem, the Christian religion must have spread into Germany on the left of the Rhine, which was subject to the Romans, and also into Britain over against Gaul. Yet certain churches in Germany have been accustomed to deduce their origin from the companions and disciples of St. Peter and other apostles ;3

ants of Pontus and Asia an1 Pamphylia; the dwellers in Egypt, and inhabitants of the region beyond Cyrene, Romans and strangers; and in Jerusalem both Jews and proselytes; so that the various tribes of the Getuli and the numerous hordes of the Mauri; all the Spanish clans, and the different nations of Gauls, and the regions of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans, but subject to Christ; and of the Sarmatians, and the Dacians, and Germans, and Seythians, and many unexplored nations and countries and islands unknown to us, and which we cannot enumerate:-in all which places the name of the Christ who has already come now reigns.' Tr.]

1 Eusebius, H. E. v. 10. Jerome, de Scriptoribus Illustr. c. 36. [According to Eusebius, the zeal of Pantanus prompted him to undertake a voluntary mission among the Indians. But according to Jerome (.c. and epist. 83, Opp. t. iv. pt. ii. p. 656, ed. Bened.) he was sent out by Demetrius, bp. of Alexandria, in consequence of a request made by the Indians for a Christian teacher. Perhaps Pantænus first spontaneously travelled among the nearer Arabians; and, upon the request of the people here called Indians, for a teacher, Demetrius directed him to visit that people. - As the Greek and Latin writers give the name of Indians to the Persians, Parthians, Medes, Arabians, Ethiopians, Libyans, and many other nations, to them little known, the learned have inquired who were the Indians visited by Panteenus? Many think they were those we call the East Indians, inhabiting the country about the river Indus. Jerome so thought; for he represents him as sent to instruct the Brahmans. Hen. Valesius and Lu. Holstenius and others suppose they were the Abyssinians or Ethiopians, who were often called Indians, and were near, and always had intercourse with the Egyptians. See S. Basnage, Annal. polit, eccles. ii. 207. Valesius, Adnotat. ad Socratis Hist. Eccles. p. 13. Others incline to believe them Jews, resident in

Yemen or Arabia Felix, a country often called India. That they were not strangers to Christianity, is evident from their having Matthew's Gospel among them, and from their desiring some one to expound it to them. Their applying to the bishop of Alexandria shows that Egypt was to them the most accessible Christian country; and their having the Gospel written in Hebrew, as Jerome testifies, is good proof that they were Jews; because no other people understood that language. Besides, Bartholomew had formerly been among them, the field of whose labours has been supposed to be Arabia Felix. See Tillemont's life of Bartholomew, in his Mémoires, i. 1160, 1161.

See Mosheim, de Rebus Christ. &c. p. 206, 207. Tr.]

2 On the origin of those German churches, mentioned by Tertullian and Irenæus, as existing in this century, Jo. Hen. Ursinus, Bebelius, and others have written; and still better, Gabriel Liron, Singularitèz historiques et littéraires, tom. iv. Paris, 1740, 8vo.

The common and popular accounts of the first preachers of the Gospel in Germany, are learnedly impugned by Aug. Calmet, Histoire de Lorraine, i. Diss. sur les Evêques de Treves, p. 3, 4. Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, January, ii. 922. Jo. Nic. de Hontheim, Diss. de era episcopat. Trevirensis; in Historia Trevirensis, t. i.

[It is said, St. Peter sent Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus, into Belgic Gaul; and that they planted the churches of Cologne, Treves, Tongres, Liege, and some others; and presided over them till their death. See Christo. Brower, Annales Trevirenses, ii. 143, &c., and Acta Sanctor. Antwerpiensia, 29th of January, p. 918. But Calmet, Bolland, and Hontheim (ubi supra), have proved satisfactorily that these pretended founders of the German churches did not live earlier than the third or fourth century, and were first represented as being legates of the apostles in the middle ages. -See Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, &c. p. 212. Tr.]

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