cerely rejoice that the way is clear for action, if action should be necessary."

Since these words were written an Allied force has entered Siberia. After a wise and prolonged deliberation, the United States government decided to send a military force to join with troops from Japan and China and others of the Allied nations, in the attempt to strengthen the Czecho-Slovaks in their revolt against the Bolsheviks and the Germans in Russia.1 Solemn assurances have been made to the people of Russia, that this Allied force has no intention of infringing any of the nation's rights, but that its presence is merely a guarantee of Allied support in the attempt of Russia to free itself from the invader and the traitor. The ranking officer in the expeditionary force of the Allies is the Japanese General, K. Otani; Chinese troops are co-operating under his command; and from elsewhere along the frontier, reports have come of other Chinese soldiers having repulsed forces of the Red Guards. Thus, China is realizing its ambition of assisting in a military way, as well as industrially, in the world-war for international justice and freedom.

1 Note: The Allied Force numbered about 24,000 in the summer of 1918. Of this number half were Japanese and the balance was composed of American, Chinese, British, French and Italian soldiers.

CHAPTER VIII

THE FUTURE OF CHINA AS AFFECTED BY THE AIMS OF THE ALLIES

WHEN the American Republic joined the Allies in the Great War, President Wilson summarized its ideal and purpose in so doing, by the sentence: "The World must be made safe for Democracy." The Allied Nations have generally accepted this expression of their ideal and purpose. When President Wilson's words were cabled to the Orient they produced a profound impression there. At once observers pointed out that the President had not limited the application of this ideal to Europe or to America alone, but that it was all-inclusive and was to apply to Asia as well. At once came a realization of the greatness of the ideal and of its possibilities as a solution for the problems of the Orient. Further, the view was widely expressed that these Asiatic problems must be solved if the cause of the Allies was to be permanently successful.

Many considerations seemed to point to that conclusion. This is a world-war and nothing less than a world-peace would seem to be adequate. From this

world-peace, Asia cannot be excluded. Half of the world's population is in Asia; in India, Asiatic Russia, in China, and Japan. China is the largest and oldest nation in the world; its future cannot be ignored. A recent writer1 has pointed out that after the war there will be three great groups of world-races; the AngloSaxons, the Slavs and the Mongolians. The first group has far outdistanced the other two in political development and progress; it has bravely taken the stand that its ideals of democracy and liberty shall be permitted to become world-wide. In the Orient, the Chinese people have thrown off the restraints of an alien autocratic dynasty, and are groping unsteadily towards the light of democracy in the form of a republic. Russia has only recently taken a similar step; in both lands there is confusion and disorder; but both peoples are on the right road, and if given time and sympathetic support, they will reach their goal. America and the Allied nations have expressed their faith in Russia, and have pledged themselves to stand by her; they will certainly do no less for China. In Japan, as well, liberal tendencies are appearing; the country is at the cross-roads of its history; on the one hand, facing an imperialistic course that cannot but mean danger, and aggression upon its neighbours; on 1 William S. Howe, Asia, July 18, 1918.

the other hand, halting before the decision to align itself with the international tendencies of the age in a fair and friendly national policy toward all the world. These aspirations and tendencies in Asia must be considered in the Peace Conference. The writer makes bold to say that unless this is done, the consequences from the standpoint of a maintenance of the worldpeace will be disastrous.

Before the great war two political storm-centres were recognized in the world: the Balkans in the Near East and China in the Far East.1 In both "legitimate interests" of the various nations clashed and this clash in Europe was the immediate occasion of the outbreak of the great war. It is hoped that the Allied peace terms will permanently remove the causes of future conflict in the Balkans at the close of the war; they should aim at no less satisfactory a solution of the problems in China.

A future outbreak in the Far East might come in one of two ways: either as a result of international friction in China; or through a war between China and Japan which would involve the other powers. The story of the growth of the competitive spheres of inter

1" China will become, through the jealousy and the indifference of the Western Powers, the most dangerous storm-centre in the world after a European peace is concluded." F. W. Williams, The Nation, November 22, 1917.

est in China; the attempted check to their rivalry and enforcement of the status quo by an agreement as to the principle of the "open door" and equal opportunity; the upsetting of this situation by encroachments of Russia and Japan; has already been told. At the close of the great war there will be a renewed competition for China's trade and control of her natural resources and the means of transportation and production. Japan has tried to forestall the other powers by its action in the Twenty-one Demands and the Chengchiatung affair. Japanese and British interests as a result definitely clash. Russia, France and Belgium are also involved. If no clearly recognized principle of justice and equity is to be enforced, there seems grave probability of the growth of friction and dissension which may lead to future armed conflict.

The second line which future hostilities might take would be in a clash between China and Japan which would eventually involve the other nations. The lack of friendship and mutual trust between the Chinese and the Japanese is a disturbing factor in the Orient. These feelings of ill-will and distrust have been the outgrowth of a lack of justice and fair play in their relations with each other. At present Japan has the ascendancy, and China is no match for her in military power or national strength; but if China goes forward