to teach in their congregations after they returned from Scotland, when a prosecution was directed, and a council in criminal causes was sent down to the county of Antrim, to prosecute them ?-With respect to the parliament; did ever any house of commons show greater alacrity in raising money, and equipping ships in defence of the king, than the last house did upon the expected invasion of the pretender? and did ever any parliament give money with greater unanimity, for the support of the crown, than the present has done, whatever the wants of their private families might be? and must a very great majority of those persons be branded with the infamous aspersion of disaffection to the illustrious house of Hanover, should they refuse to give their voices for the repeal of the test?

I am fully persuaded that this author and his fellow labourers do not believe one word of this heavy charge; but their present circumstances are such, that they must run all hazards.

A great number of the nonconforming gentlemen daily leave them. Many men, whose fathers were elders or rigid nonconformists, are now constant communicants, and justices of peace in their several counties; insomuch that it is highly probable, should the test continue twenty years longer, that there would not be a gentleman left to solicit a repeal.

I shall hereafter take occasion to show, how inconsiderable they are, for their numbers and fortunes, who can be served or obliged by this repeal, which number is daily lessening. The dissenting teachers are sufficiently aware, that the general conformity of the gentlemen will be followed by the conformity of numbers of the people; and, should it not be so, VOL. XIX.

that

that they will be but poorly supported by them; that by the continuance of the test, their craft will be in danger to be set at naught, and in all probability will end in a general conformity of the presbyterians to the established church. So that they have the strongest reasons in the world to press for a repeal of the test; but those reasons must have equal force for the continuance of it with all that wish the peace of the church and state, and would not have us torn in pieces with endless and causeless divisions.

There is one short passage more I had like to have omitted, which our author leaves as a sting in the tail of his libel; his words are these, p. 59. "The "truth is, no one party of a religious denomination, "in Britain or Ireland, were so united as they (the "dissenters,) indeed no one but they, in an inviolable "attachment to the protestant succession." To detect the folly of this assertion, I subjoin the following letter, from a person of known integrity, and inviolably attached to the protestant succession as any dissenter in the kingdom; I mean, Mr. Warreng of Warrengstown, then a member of parliament, and commissioner of array in the county of Down, upon the expected invasion of the pretender. This letter was writ in a short time after the array of the militia; for the truth of which I refer to Mr. Warreng himself:

"Sir, That I may fulfil your desire, by giving

you an account how the dissenters in my neigh"bourhood behaved themselves, when we were "threatened with an invasion of the pretender; be "pleased to know, that, upon an alarm given of "his being landed near Derry, none were more

" zealous

❝ zealous in setting watch and keeping guard than "they, to prevent such disorders as might happen "at that time by ill designing persons passing through and disturbing the peace of the country.

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"But, when the goverment thought fit to have "the kingdom arrayed, and sent commissioners into "these parts, some time after; it appeared, that the "dissenters had by that time been otherwise in"structed; for several, who were so forward before, "behaved themselves after a very different manner, some refusing, and others with reluctancy appearing upon the array, to be enlisted, and serve in the

66

"militia.

"This behaviour surprised me so much, that I "took occasion to discourse several of them, over "whom I thought I had as much influence as any "other person, and sound them upon the common

argument of having their hands tied by a late act "of parliament, &c. Whereupon I took some pains "to show the act to them, and wherein they were "mistaken. I farther pressed their concurrence "with us, in procuring the common peace and se

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curity of our country; and though they seemed "convinced by what I said, yet I was given to un"derstand, their behaviour was according to the "sentiments of some persons, whom they thought "themselves obliged to observe, or be directed by," &c.

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THE DRAPIER'S LETTER

ΤΟ

THE GOOD PEOPLE OF IRELAND, 1745.

T

MY DEAR COUNTRYMEN,

It is now some considerable time since I'troubled you with my advice*; and, as I am growing old and infirm, I was in good hopes to have been quietly laid in my grave, before any occasion offered of ad

It is very manifest that this letter was not written by the dean; but, as it was at the time intended to be considered as his, and on that supposition had actually a good effect, it is here preserved as a curiosity. The reader may see its history in the following extract from Dr. Maty's Memoirs of Lord Chesterfield. "Dean Swift was still alive, when lord Chesterfield arrived +; "but reduced to a state of total dotage and insensibility, which << one month after ended in his death. This short interval was " laid hold of, to publish under his name a new letter of a Drapier "to the good people of Ireland, and particularly to the poor papists. "It was so much in the dean's style, and was so greedily received, "that it went through a variety of editions in a month's time. "Indeed the many strokes of wit and humour that it contained, "would induce me to suspect that his lordship had some share " in it."

+ In Ireland, in the character of lord lieutenant.

dressing

you,

which

dressing you again: but my affection for does not decay, though my poor body does, obliges: me once more to put you in mind of your true interests, that you may not unwarily run yourselves: into danger and distress, for want of understanding, or seriously considering it.

I have many reasons to believe, that there are not few among you, who secretly rejoice at the rebellion which is now raised in Scotland; and perhaps conceive hopes of some alteration for the better, in their circumstances and condition, if it should succeed. It is those mistaken people whom I design to talk to in this letter, and I desire no more of them than to give me a fair hearing; examining coolly with themselves, whether what I shall say be true.

It is no objection to my speaking to them, that they are generally papists. I do not know how other people are disposed; but, for my part, I hate no man for his religion; I look upon a papist as my countryman and neighbour, though I happen myself to be a protestant. And, if I know what advice is good for him, I can see no reason why I should not give it him, or why he should not take it.

A papist has sense, I suppose, like other men, to see his interest and advantage; and the same natural desire to embrace it where he finds it; and, if I can show him where it lies, he will not, I believe, kick it from him, barely to spite me as a protestant.

I have nothing to say to the popish gentry of this kingdom. They would hardly take such a plain man's advice; and, besides, they have so many ways of coming off safe themselves, though the poor people were undone, that I need not be concerned for them.