CH. I.

DIVINE TEACHING AND VOCATION.

111

incorrect if accepted as the entire unfolding. Now the policy of the Divine economy has historically been, (doubtless in condescension to human infirmity,) seldom to entrust the entire truth to one individual, but to appoint each individual the advocate of some one position against other positions, all equally true as partial developements, all equally deficient as entire unfoldings; whereby, if sects and heresies have been promoted, it has also come to pass that every segment of the circle of truth has been thoroughly sifted and defended, preparatory to that glorious time of reunion, when the scattered parts of its broken body shall be re-assembled, and itself restored to its original integrity. Thus it was that John was appointed the apostle of love, Paul of faith, and James of works. What wonder! that an Augustine and a Whitfield were commissioned to teach predestination to holiness, and an Arminius and a Wesley prevision of holiness? Were they not both legitimate positions, and involved in the unity of the Divine purpose? And was not each strengthened in his office by being each charged with the defence of his particular doctrine? It was God's inspiration which declared that the doctrine was a truth; it was man's misapprehension which maintained it as the only truth. Denounce such misapprehension as the worst of errors? what then! Not only the folly but the sin of man, is the wisdom and the righteousness of God. For His ways are not as our ways, neither are His thoughts our thoughts.

For the rest, it is altogether to beg the question to make a distinction between the apostles and their successors. An Augustine, a Savonarola, and their later imitators, all who have made much account of the internal evidences of religion-have alike asserted either an express and direct Divine teaching, or an especial and immediate vocation-and it is to set

112

INTELLECTUAL ILLUMINATION.

B. III.

aside their evidence altogether, to assert as a fact that intellectual illumination was never granted to any but the primitive apostles. As to the authority belonging to one so illuminated, it may justly be said that it is only subjective. Nor is there need for it to be more; since every man for himself can appeal to God by prayer, and will receive such measure of the Spirit of interpretation as befits his station and office in the Church, or may be required by his individual condition and personal degree of attainment in grace and holiness.

It was in the spirit of these remarks, that Savonarola replied to those who objected to his prophetic assumption.

'We believe not,' said they, in such prophets as you are, but only in those who are approved by the Church.'

'How do you know,' demanded Savonarola, 'that they are true prophets?'

Oh, the saints have written it!' they rejoined.

What,' he again demanded, 'do you know about that? Perhaps those who wrote have written falsehoods. I believe, because God in his mercy has given me the light of faith, which determines me to believe.'

6

The general disinclination to these views of spiritual belief, was one of the things that afflicted Savonarola. 'So deep has faith sunk,' he writes in one of his works, so much is it, the heavenly light in man, extinguished, that I may no longer discriminate, whether men mean by the term something which each man sincerely acknowledges, and exclusively knows to be faith, or something communicated from childhood by human precept, or a light derived from above.'

The fact is, that just at this period, so far from being disposed to discuss points of spiritual doctrine,

CH. I.

SAVONAROLA AT REGGIO.

113

the minds of men in Italy were given over to political contention. And Savonarola was himself soon destined to consider rather the civil than the religious relations of men. About the year 1487 a provincial chapter of the Dominicans of Lombardy was held at Reggio, at which not only Savonarola, but also prince Pico della Mirandola, was present. In the disputation which then took place, Savonarola showed so much talent, eloquence, and erudition, that Pico conceived a strong interest in his favour, and was desirous to have him recalled to Florence, feeling assured, no doubt, that the preacher would now appear to better advantage than he had shown before. He therefore wrote to his friend the celebrated Lorenzo de' Medici concerning him, and strongly urged the expediency of that city being enriched with the presence of so much ability, learning, and merit, as he recognized in the person of this Dominican. Thus was Savonarola invited thither, and became consequently the Prior of San Marco. Henceforth his name is connected with the history of Florence.

CHAPTER II.

FLORENCE UNDER THE MEDICI.

The family of the Medici-Cosimo's patronage of Greek literature-Chrysoloras and his scholars-Niccolo NiccoliPlatonic academy-Theodore Gaza-Bessarion-George of Trebisond-Germ of monarchism-Pietro-Lorenzo and Giuliano-Conspiracy of the Pazzi-Lorenzo and the King of Naples-Decline of the wealth of the Medici-And consequently of its influence-Levity and frivolity of the literary spirit-Poggio-Beccatelli-And the controversialists -Naturalism in art-Politeness in philosophy-Sensuality in life and manners.

THE family of the Medici had from the beginning of the fifteenth century ruled in Florence. The reigning pope, Innocent VIII., was more than friendly to its influence. This pontiff outdid all his predecessors in infamy. They were content with the sin of nepotism. Innocent VIII. publicly recognized his illegitimate offspring, bestowing on them the wealth of the Church. Such was the celibacy of the clergy then, not separating them from female fellowship, but substituting for lawful wedlock illicit concubinage! Seven of his children, by various mothers, thus became pensioners on the ecclesiastical treasury. Having effected the marriage of one of his sons to a daughter of Lorenzo de' Medici, he carried his favouritism to the family so far, as to bestow a cardinalate on her brother Giovanni, though then only about fourteen years of age, stipulating however that the

CH. II.

GREEK LITERATURE.

115

boy should not take his seat in the Consistory till he was sixteen. The youth thus prematurely advanced to power and honour, ultimately became that same Leo X., who, notwithstanding his love of letters and various accomplishments, yet infected with all the vices of his age, failed in the first instance to appreciate the true nature of Luther's efforts, and in the last to arrest the progress of the Reformation.

The foundations of the family prosperity were laid in commerce by a previous Giovanni de' Medici, who died in 1428. Of his two sons, Cosimo and Lorenzo, the former supported and increased its dignity by urbanity, kindness, and generosity, towards all classes of society. The authority which he thus acquired for himself and his descendants, consisted in a tacit influence on their part, and a voluntary acquiescence on that of the people-not in any prescribed or definite compact. It was purely the legitimate influence of great wealth and public virtue. The Florentines considered the Medici as the fathers, rather than the rulers of the republic, while these carefully affected the characters of fellow-citizens and servants of the state. Yet did Cosimo and Lorenzo not escape opposition, imprisonment, and banishment, from the success of a rival family. They were, however, soon recalled to power, and signalized themselves by promoting science and encouraging men of learning, particularly the students of Greek literature.

To Boccaccio Italy was first indebted for the introduction, and for the preservation and restoration of Homer's works. On his death, however, the study of the Greek language and its products ceased again to be pursued. But Emanuel Chrysoloras, a noble Greek, during the interval of his important embassies, revived them at the beginning of the fifteenth century, among the people of Florence and of other Italian cities. His disciples were neither few nor