while great offences such as those against a sovereign or a father, could not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice. In the second Book of the Le Ke there is the following passage:"With the slayer of his father, a man may not live under the same heaven; against the slayer of his brother, a man must never have to go home to fetch a weapon; with the slayer of his friend, a man may not live in the same State." The lex talionis is here laid down in its fullest extent. The Chow Le tells us of a provision made against the evil consequences of the principle, by the appointment of a minister called "The Reconciler."8 The provision is very inferior to the cities of refuge which were set apart by Moses for the manslayer to flee to from the fury of the avenger. Such as it was, however, it existed, and it is remarkable that Confucius, when consulted on the subject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. His disciple Tsze-hea asked him, "What course is to be pursued in the case of the murder of a father or mother?" He replied, "The son must sleep upon a matting of grass, with his shield for his pillow; he must decline to take office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer. When he meets him in the marketplace or the court, he must have his weapon ready to strike him." "And what is the course on the murder of a brother?" "The surviving brother must not take office in the same State with the slayer; yet if he go on his prince's service to the State where the slayer is, though he meet him, he must not fight with him." "And what is the course on the murder of an uncle or a cousin?" "In this case the nephew or cousin is not the principal. If the principal on whom the revenge devolves can take it, he has only to stand behind with weapon in his hand, and support him."9

his

Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of the objectionable principles of Confucius. 10 The bad effects of it are evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet to the Chinese. I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government the "inquisition for blood." Where the ruling authority is feeble, 7 禮記 I. Pt. I. v.10. 8 周禮卷之十

6 See notes in loc., p. 152.

24, pp. 14-18.

結

禮記. II. Pt. I. ii. 24. See also the 家語卷四子貢

問・

10 The Chinese, vol. II. p. 41.

as it is at present, individuals and clans take the law into their own hands, and whole districts are kept in a state of constant feud and warfare.

But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him. injustice; but after long study of his character and opinions, I am unable to regard him as a great man. He was not before his age, though he was above the mass of the officers and scholars of his time. He threw no new light on any of the questions which have a world-wide interest. He gave no impulse to religion. He had no sympathy with progress. His influence has been wonderful, but it will henceforth wane. My opinion is, that the faith of the nation in him will speedily and extensively pass away.

SECTION III.

HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES.

Sze-ma Ts'een makes Confucius say :-"The disciples who received my instructions, and could comprehend them, were seventy-seven individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability." The common saying is, that the disciples of the sage were three thousand, while among them there were seventy-two worthies. I propose to give here a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as being his followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we know nothing more than their names and surnames. My principal authorities will be the "Historical Records," the "Family Sayings," "The Sacrificial Canon for the Sage's Temple, with Plates," and the chapter on "The Disciples of Confucius" prefixed to the "Four Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs and Illustrations." In giving a few notices of the better-known individuals, I will endeavour to avoid what may be gathered from the Analects.

1. Yen Hwuy, by designation Tsze-yuen (JH). He was a native of Loo, the favourite of his master, whose junior he was by 30 years, and whose disciple he became when he was quite a youth. "After I got Hwuy," Confucius remarked, "the disciples came closer to me." We are told that once, when he found himself on the Nung hill with Hwuy, Tsze-loo, and Tsze-kung, Confucius

,孔子曰受業身通者七十有七人皆異能之士也

asked them to tell him their different aims, and he would choose between them. Tsze-loo began, and when he had done, the master said, "It marks your bravery." Tsze-kung followed, on whose words the judgment was, "They show your discriminating eloquence. At last came Yen Yuen, who said, "I should like to find an intelligent king and sage ruler whom I might assist. I would diffuse among the people instructions on the five great points, and lead them on by the rules of propriety and music, so that they should not care to fortify their cities by walls and moats, but would fuse their swords and spears into implements of agriculture. They should send forth their flocks without fear into the plains and forests. There should be no sunderings of families, no widows or widowers. For a thousand years there would be no calamity of war. would have no opportunity to display his bravery, or Ts'ze to display his oratory.' The master pronounced, "How admirable is this

virtue!"

Yew

When Hwuy was 29, his hair was all white, and in three years more he died. He was sacrificed to, along with Confucius, by the first emperor of the Han dynasty. The title which he now has in the sacrificial Canon,-" Continuator of the Sage," was conferred in the 9th year of the emperor, or, to speak more correctly, of the period, Kea-tsing, A.D. 1530. Almost all the present sacrificial titles of the worthies in the temple were fixed at that time. Hwuy's place is the first of the four Assessors, on the east of the sage.2

2. Min Sun, styled Tsze-k'een, (77). He was a native of Loo, 15 years younger than Confucius, according to Sze-ma 2 I have referred briefly, at p. 92, to the temples of Confucius. The principal hall, called ★

or Hall of the Great and Complete One,' is that in which is his own statue or the tablet of his spirit, having on each side of it, within a screen, the statues, or tablets, of his 'four Assessors.' On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment are the two

序, the places of the+, or 'twelve Wise Ones,' those of his disciples, who, next to the 'Assessors,' are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two 序 but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two HIE, or side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are 64 tablets of the disciples and other worthies, having the same title, as the Wise Ones, that of, or 'Ancient Worthy,' or the inferior title of Ancient Scholar. Behind the principal hall is the

sacred to Confucius' ancestors, whose tablets are in the centre, fronting the south, like that of Confucius. On each side are likewise the tablets of certain ‘ancient Worthics,' and 'ancient Scholars.'

Ts'een, but 50 years younger, according to the "Family Sayings, which latter authority is followed in "The Annals of the Empire." When he first came to Confucius, we are told, he had a starved look,1 which was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction.2 Tsze-kung asked him how the change had come about. He replied, "I came from the midst of my reeds and sedges into the school of the master. He trained my mind to filial piety, and set before me the examples of the ancient kings. I felt a pleasure in his instructions, but when I went abroad, and saw the people in authority, with their umbrellas and banners, and all the pomp and circumstance of their trains, I also felt pleasure in that show. These two things assaulted each other in my breast. I could not determine which to prefer, and so I wore that look of distress. But now the lessons of our master have penetrated deeply into my mind. My progress also has been helped by the example of you my fellow-disciples. I now know what I should follow and what I should avoid, and all the pomp of power is no more to me than the dust of the ground. It is on this account that I have that look of fulness and satisfaction." Tsze-k'een was high in Confucius' esteem. He was distinguished for his purity and filial affection. His place in the temple is the first, east, among "The Wise Ones," immediately after the four assessors. He was first sacrificed to along with Confucius, as is to be understood of the other "Wise Ones," excepting in the case of Yew Jo, in the 8th year of the style K'ae-yuen of the sixth emperor of the Tang dynasty, A.D. 720. His title, the same as that of all but the Assessors is— "The ancient Worthy, the philosopher Min."

3. Yen Kăng, styled Pil-new (‡É [~., É] 4). He was a native of Loo, and Confucius' junior only by seven years. When Confucius became Minister of Crime, he appointed Pih-new to the office, which he had himself formerly held, of commandant of Chung-too. His tablet is now fourth among "The Wise Ones," on the west.

4. Yen Yung, styled Chung-kung (1). He was of the same clan as Yen Kăng, and 29 years younger than Confucius. He had a bad father, but the master declared that was not to be counted to him, to detract from his admitted excellence. His place is among "The Wise Ones," the second, east.

1 * . 2芻豢之色

5. Yen K'ew, styled Tsze-yew (*). He was related to the two former, and of the same age as Chung-kung. He was noted among the disciples for his versatile ability and many acquirements. Tsze-kung said of him, "Respectful to the old, and kind to the young; attentive to guests and visitors; fond of learning and skilled in many arts; diligent in his examination of things:-these are what belong to Yen K'ew." It has been noted in the life of Confucius that it was by the influence of Tsze-yew that he was finally restored to Loo. He occupies the third place, west, among "The Wise ones. 6. Chung Yew, styled Tsze-loo and Ke-loo (77

"Of what

). He was a native of P'een (†) in Loo, and only 9 years younger than Confucius. At their first interview, the master asked him what he was fond of, and he replied, "My long sword." Confucius said, "If to your present ability there were added the results of learning, you would be a very superior man." advantage would learning be to me?" asked Tsze-loo. "There is a bamboo on the southern hill, which is straight itself without being bent. If If you cut it down and use it, you can send it though a rhinoceros' hide; what is the use of learning?" "Yes," said the master; "but if you feather it and point it with steel, will it not penetrate more deeply?" Tsze-loo bowed twice, and said, "I will reverently receive your instructions." Confucius was wont to say, "From the time that I got Yew, bad words no more came to my ears." For some time Tsze-loo was chief magistrate of the district of P'oo(), where his administration commanded the warm commendations of the master. He died finally in Wei, as has been related above, p. 87. His tablet is now the fourth, east, from those of the Assessors.

7. Tsae Yu, styled Tsze-go (,). He was a native of Loo, but nothing is mentioned of his age. He had "a sharp mouth," according to Sze-ma Ts'een. Once, when he was at the court of Ts'oo on some commission, the king Ch'aou offered him an easy carriage adorned with ivory for his master. Yu replied, "My master is a man who would rejoice in a government where right principles were carried out, and can find his joy in himself when that is not the case. Now right principles and virtue are as it were in a state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and put them in motion. Could he find a prince really anxious to rule according to them, he would walk on foot to his court, and be glad to do so. Why need