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" and allusions to questions of the utmost poli“ tical importance and delicacy, as tending to
encrease any dangerous circumstances, in which “ the country might be placed, and to which of
course he and those, with whom he acted could “ not be supposed to contribute. His Lordship " in conjunction with certain of his colleagues in “ the councils of his Majesty, some, who had úr seats in that, and others in the Commons House '" of Parliament, had felt it their duty to solicit " the King's permission to retire from situations " of trust and high public importance, which for “ some time they had had the honor of filling,
upon grounds, which he was confident no honest, to man could deem censurable. It proceeded " from a difference of opinion respecting advice " offered by them for taking steps for the adop* tion of a great national measure, which they o conceived would operate to the advantage of “ the people at large. In consequence of which " they no longer continued to fill those situations
they had for some time holden; and perceiving
they could no longer do so with the hope of " advantage to the country, they had requested ". the King to dispense with their further services. " At that moment they considered themselves as
holding their offices only, until their successors “ could be regularly appointed, whom they would
chearfully support, so long as by them the
King's government should be administered upon " the same principles, on which they had themselves " acted; and in that yiew, he would seriously re
" commend and advise their Lordships to continue " to give them their confidence and support, as “ essentially necessary to the welfare, nay, the “ salvation of the country. Lord Spencer ob
* This declaration of Lord Grenville is taken from the ful. lest report of his speech on that occasion. A more concise report of it, which also appeared on the next morning to the same general effect in another of the London newspapers, confirms and adds light to the first report.
« A noble Lord near him, (Earl Spencer) another noble Lord absent from " illness, (Earl Chatham) some of his Majesty's ministers in " the other house, and himself, had been reduced to the ne. "cessity of praying his Majesty graciously to permit them “ to retire from his Councils, and to resign the Offices they " held in his government. They had proposed in his Majesty's “ Council a great and important measure relative to Ireland, " which appeared to them to be of the most absolute necessity " to his Majesty's interests, and to the peace and happiness • of the United Countries: they were opposed, and found them“ selves incapable of bringing forward the measure to Par-" liament in the only way, which could be effectual, through of the Executive Government: and as men acting on principles, “ from which they had never swerved, having in view solely " the dignity of the Crown, and the prosperity of the Empire, " they could no longer continue nnder such unfortunate cir“ cumstances to act in his Majesty's Councils. They therefore !! waited on the King, and humbly besought him to permit “ them to resign their respective offices, and his Majesty " with expressions of regret, and marks of grace and favor, " which his Lordship declared he should never forget, “ granted his permission ; but laid his commands on them to “ fill their stations, till the other Members could be appointed. " His Lordship concluded with declaring, the new Adminis“ tration would continue to act on the same principles, by which " he and his colleagues had been guided, and hoping they would " therefore enjoy the confidence of their Lordships.''
served, that what Lord Grenville had advanced, faithfully described his own feelings and senti
ments upon the occasion of the late secession. Real views The several conversations avd debates upon of the enemies to the the policy of postponing Lord Darnley’s* motion Catholic question.
By this open declaration of Lord Grenville, it appears evident, that at that time, at least, the new Ministers, whatever were to be their measures, were considered identified in principle with the Seceders, and that under whatever name and responsibility the future measures of Government were to be executed, the Seceders formally pledged themselves to support them. Lord Moira spoke in reply. “ In the year 1782 there was a change .“ in administration : a change of principles. Now, he was
sorry to find Ministers did not retire to make way for wiser “ men and wiser councils to repair the mischiefs of their admi“ nistration : but according to the Noble Secretary's explicit “ declaration, the same measures were to be followed by the ;“ new Ministers. What then was done? In proportion as the “ situation of public affairs encreased in difficulty and danger, “ talents were to be withdrawn from the cabinet, although the
system, that had been the cause of all the evil was to “ remain entire, and that was the plain language of the Noble or Lord. But without that language could the mystery be« mistaken? what was left to make up that new administration, “ but all that was inefficient in the old one ; according to the " ratio of our distresses was to be the ratio of weakness and
imbecility in the cabinet. He called their Lordships to turn “ their eyes to the state of things, to which the late administra. “tion has brought the country. He would then demand of " them what was to be expected, when all that was the poorest " in that administration, was the only part of it that remained “ ostensible and responsible."
* Lord Holland having expressed, like Lord Moira, his opi. • nions upon the fatality of following up the weak and wicked measures of the late administration by means of the most imbe. cile of its members, said, “ When it was proposed to give 4 complete emancipation to the Catholics, he was not surprised,
on the state of the nation supply a volume of information upon the genuine views of the enemies to Catholic emancipation. Such as openly professed to' oppose that measure upon principle; bore perhaps less implacable enmity to Ireland, than those, who made hollow professions of the necessity, after they had insidiously planned the sure abortion of the measure. The duplicity and delusion of the system drove them all to different expedients for keeping the question out of sight. The Seceders dreaded to be called upon to admit and detail the grounds of the imperious policy of that measure, without which they avowed their own incompetency to steer the vessel of state. The retainers or seekers of place, though they denied that policy, deprecated the discussion of a question, which would place before the public in opposite scales, the claims of about 5 millions to participate equally in the constitution, and the monopoly of its chief benefits in a system of exclusion and degradation. On the 11th of February* Mr, Lee the princi- Election of a
and Pitt's " that it should be resisted by a certain set of men : he was not grounds for surprized, that the unfortunate faction, which had stirred
resigning " the American war and had deluged Ireland with blood; he
was not surprised, that the men, who had prostituted them“ selves to that unfortunate faction, and been influenced by none,
but the most servile principles, should oppose any measure of liberal policy."..
* The notorious falsehoods, the incredible obloquy and bare: faced misrepresentations contained in the speech of Lord Clare on the 10th of February 1801, are a faithful etching of some of the most prominent features of that desperate and boisterous poli
1801. pal Clerk of the House of Commons read to them
tician. " With respect to the subject of Catholic emancipation, " he requested, that Noble Lords would not then bring forward
a topic first introduced for the purpose of rebellion. He
requested them to give the union a fair trial, before they " should make any experiment, that might interfere with the only benefit to be expected from that measure. It was a question, “ upon which the greatest diversity of opinion prevailed in “ Ireland. He would solemnly assure that housė, that of the “ Catholics themselves 99 out of 100 did not care one jot for “ Catholic emancipation. What they wanted and understood " by Catholic emancipation was a partition of property, by
i which every man should possess 10 acres of land and be " exempted from payment of tithes. Unfortunately there was “no country in Europe, in which so much diversity of opinion “ prevailed as in Ireland. A Noble Lord (Carlisle); who had of delivered his sentiments that night, had lived too long in it, • not to know perfectly well, that such was the case. Its inha* bitants were of very combustible materials, and the house " should be aware of suffering any insinuations to escape, that "might throw a fire-brand amongst them, and excite a flame “ only to be extinguished in the blood of intolerance. He deprecated all discussions of the question. This Noble Lord vehemently urged the perpetuation of Martial Law and other coercive measures in Ireland. This doctrine must have strongly recommended his Lordship to the new administration, which had been formed upon one, that had resigned upon a declared inability to carry a measure of conciliation, and a professed determi. nation to support an opposite system. He gave a very lively account of a murder, that had happened 18 months before under his own roof, and referred to the perturbed state of the County of Wicklow, where Lord Fitzwilliam's property lay, during the rebellion, in order to induce their Lordships to keep the country under Martial Law. His speech on the 23d of March, (within a week of the new appointments having been published) flowed with malicious bitterness against his country. He assured their Lordships, that the common law was incompetent to keep down