great apprehension of its producing any very violent effects; indeed, we look upon it as such an imbelle telum, that we should have almost as soon expected to see a popular commotion excited by a treatise on the mechanism and powers of the steam-engine, the solution of some difficult problem in mathematics, or a logical deduction of the categories. In this country, the homely eloquence and rude sophistry of a Paine or a Cobbet would produce ten thousand times more effect, than all the metaphysicopolitical speculations of Görres, Arndt, or Jahn. But in Germany matters are quite different. There, the tone of public opinion, upon almost all subjects, is generally influenced by a few favourite and authoritative philosophical teachers. In that country, metaphysics are intimately interwoven with the whole popular literature of the day; and all the phenomena of nature, of art, and of intellect, are forced alike to bend under the weight of a lofty and ponderous abstraction. Religion itself has been so frittered away by the constant and persevering encroachments of speculative reason, that scarcely any of the essential doctrines of our Christian faith have been permitted to escape the alembic process; and the very forms of Christianity have frequently been compelled to struggle for a precarious existence. The influence of the universities is so great as to have recently become dangerous to the governments; and the authority of a single philoso phical professor is frequently little short of absolute. A spirit of mysticism breathes throughout the whole of their recent metaphysical systems; the same style has been transferred to their political discussions; and that theory seems to have the best chance of becoming generally popular, which is the most remote from all connection with any tangible or intelligible truth. In this country, a man of science is generally esteemed for the extent and accuracy of his practical knowledge; in Germany, on the contrary, scientific reputation appears to be founded principally on the faculty of raising the most extensive structure of speculation upon the smallest possible basis of facts.

We confess that our expectations were very highly raised, when we first heard the publication of this political tract of M. Görres announced. We had no doubt that we should find in it an able exposition of the causes of that insurrectionary spirit which has been lately exhibited in Germany, an ample and distinct statement of the circumstances attending it, a view of the probable consequences to which it might lead, and an investigation of the best means by which these consequences, in so far as they appeared to be fraught with danger to society, might be most effectually obviated or ave: ted. From the known predilections of the author, indeed, we were prepared to meet with

some prejudiced views and partial statements; but these we hoped to have been enabled to correct by means of information derived from other sources. Our expectations, however, we are sorry to say, have been wofully disappointed. With regard to facts, the work before us is exceedingly meagre; there is nothing at all like a connected detail-the author dwells much among generalities-indeed, the greater part of the volume is occupied with fanciful speculations, which may be very well received by the half-initiated pupils of Schelling and Eschenmayer, but which appear to us to be extremely puerile and worthless. Moreover, we have experienced great difficulty in discovering what the author's own particular opinions are, respecting the subject upon which he writes; indeed, we are not certain, at this moment, that we have succeeded in our attempts to develop the real jet and scope of his reasonings. He seems to point to the union of the whole of Germany under one sovereign-to incline towards a limited monarchy-and to intimate the almost certain and immediate approach of a revolution, unless the views he has suggested shall be carried into effect. But all these ideas are propounded in a very general way-no detailed plan is submitted to the judgment of his readers-he says nothing, or next to nothing, of the means by which his views, supposing them to be practicable, may be most safely and effectually realized-nothing of the difficulties which stand in the way of their accomplishment. From many passages in the work, we are led to infer that Mr. Görres is a Catholic; and his hierarchical prejudices seem to be in continual conflict with his political opinions. Add to this, that his pages are very frequently obscure, his style almost always mystical and turgid, and his expressions sometimes such as we should scarcely have expected to meet with in the works of an experienced and accomplished German author. The whole volume, indeed, is written in very bad taste, and rather resembles the laboured coup d'essai of an ambitious student, than the production of mature literary talents. Notwithstanding these difficulties, however, we shall endeavour to present our readers with an analysis of this work; but we must first premise a few general observations on the political state of Germany, with the view of supplying what we conceive to be a very important omission in the plan of M. Görres.

The late complicated constitution of the German empire was

Since we sat down to this article, we have seen a translation of the work under review by Mr. Black, which appears to be very fairly executed, and in which the English reader will have no difficulty in discovering many of the faults in the original to which we have alluded. We have occasionally availed ourselves of this translation in our extracts.

the creature of the feudal times, and it continued to subsist, in something more than a nominal form, long after the harsher features of the Gothic institutions in the more cultivated parts of Europe, had been worn down by the gradual introduction of a system more congenial to the improved condition of the people, and more consistent with the advanced state of political science. The tie, however, which bound together the different members of the confederacy, was, for some centuries, of a very loose texture, and little calculated to resist the shocks to which such an unwieldy mass was likely to be exposed, either from foreign violence or internal dissensions. The first fatal blow which it experienced was struck by the Reformation. A war of thirty years duration, which was carried on with all the bitterness of party and religious zeal, terminated in a peace, which confirmed the rights, and secured the liberties of the professors of the new doctrines; and from that period, the north of Germany became more and more divided from the south, no less by the difference of religious faith, than by a real or imagined incompatibility of interests. The rapid aggrandisement and warlike tendencies of Prussia-the activity, talents, and popularity of the Great Frederick-the character and results of the seven years war, had the effect of widening the breach still more, and paved the way for the total dissolution of the German empire, during the violent convulsions produced by the French Revolution. The utter want of union among the princes of the empire-the petty interests of the different states, and the provincial jealousies entertained by the inhabitants of the various districts, aided the general disorganization; and the state of subjection in which a great part of Germany was ultimately placed by the conquests of France-the rapid discomfiture which, for a long period, attended every effort, on the part of some of the more powerful states, to assert their independence, produced a general feeling of weakness, and a sense of national dishonour and loss of character, which, had not fortunate circumstances intervened, might have terminated in total degradation, worthlessness, and apathy. Even during that period of gloom, however, there were not wanting men who, while they deeply felt the national humiliation, still ventured, hopeless as the case might seem, to anticipate brighter prospects; men who saw that the character and energies of their country were only dormant, and not extinct, and that only a favourable opportunity was wanting, to enable that character and those energies to burst the fetters by which they were held in thraldom. It is remarkable, that it was chiefly during the period alluded to, that the Germans exhibited a decided interest in the ancient chronicles of their country, and the songs of their

early bards; and never were the people more frequently reminded of Herrman, and the legions of Varus. It was principally in the north of Germany, where literature, science, and freedom, had, in the latter half of the last century, made the greatest advances, that these ideas were most generally entertained, and partially propagated; and various means were employed by those, whose talents, character, and situation, gave them an influence over the public mind, to rouse the national feeling, and to keep alive that spirit of independence, which was necessary to the ultimate vindication of freedom.

The fortunate moment arrived sooner, perhaps, than it was expected. The cup of oppression, indeed, had been previously filled to the very brim; the groans of the wretched sufferers had ascended to heaven; the blood of Palm, of Hofer, and the other victims of a murderous tyranny, called aloud for vengeance: One sentiment pervaded all ranks and descriptions of men-one spirit of enthusiasm animated the breasts, and one energy nerved the sinews of all. The mighty host, which had subdued, and trampled upon, and tyrannized over a great proportion of Europe, was overwhelmed and annihilated by the rude elements and hardy valour of the north-the independent spirit of Germany was kindled at the flames of Moscow-and the sword, which had been long sharpening in secret, was now to descend with a terrible force on the head of the oppressor. The struggle, which had previously been maintained by the governments rather than by the people, now assumed a decidedly popular and national character; and, aided by the resources, the skill, and the valour of England, it terminated in the complete overthrow of tyranny, and the consequent emancipation of the Continent.

It were fortunate for the people of Germany, had they been equally moderate and prudent in victory, as they had been unsubdued in misfortune, and vigorous and resolute in throwing off the yoke. But, unhappily, it was not so easy for that feverish exaltation, which had been so powerfully excited, to subside, after the crisis was over which had called it forth; and we shall endeavour to enumerate a few of those causes which seem to have operated in exciting and continuing a disposition to restlessness and insubordination. Many of the youth of Germany, participating in the general enthusiasm, had obeyed the call of their country, and left their studies, for a time, to combat under the banners of independence; and the consciousness of the value

To this day, the great battle of Leipsic, which was fought on the 18th of October, 1813, is called by the Germans die Völkerschlacht, the battle of the people, or of the nations.

and importance of their services-the pride of triumph, which was shared, indeed, by the whole nation-the mental excitement, in short, which had been produced by the cause, the exertion, and the victory, continued to maintain and nourish a spirit which, however advantageous in the heat of the struggle, became somewhat dangerous when the contest was over, and when it became necessary for those who had assisted in the achievement of a victory so glorious, to return to the dull quiet of domestic life. At the same time, several of the more popular instructors of youth, who had previously contributed by their writings, and otherwise, to rouse the national feeling, continued to foment the general enthusiasm, after its great and ostensible object had been attained, and to apply the same stimulants, which had proved highly useful when extraordinary exertion was required, after the period of exertion was gone by*. Among the middle ranks in general, too, there existed a strong impression of the weakness and want of adaptation of the former constitution and government of the empire, and an anxious wish to see the previous system superseded by some new institution, which, while it united the whole of Germany into one political body, would be better calculated to afford security and protection in future. Many of the inhabitants also, especially in the provinces bordering on the Rhine, had been deeply infected with the jacobinical principles of the French revolutionists, and with the inexplicable inconsistency of their prototypes, were enchanted with the gaudy despotism of Napoleon, gazed with silly admiration on the false glory with which he was surrounded, and seemed to have renounced every patriotic feeling in their enthusiasm for the destinies of the great nation.

When the great continental contest was ended, the steady, energetic, magnanimous, and ultimately successful policy of England, had inspired the nations of Europe with an increased admiration of those institutions under which such wonders had been effected, and induced them to take those institutions as a model for the reform of their own. To a certain extent, this might be productive of no great harm. But in this violent desire, on the part of foreign politicians, to adopt our constitutional

The absurd length to which the Turn-Wesen was carried, by the attempt to connect political purposes with the gymnastic exercises of youth, affords one illustration of the remarks we have made above. To this we may add, the foolish admiration of the middle ages, and the adoption of the old German habit, among the students, even to the beard, which was, no doubt, regarded as an infallible mark of gravity and wisdom. The deference which is paid to the students in Germany seems quite ridiculous; although it might be explained, in some measure, upon principles to which we have no time, at present, to advert. It appears to be forgotten, that the youthful mind must first be disciplined by study, and exercised by experience, before its opinions can be considered as oracles of wisdom in the conduct of public affairs.