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Pensylvania has confessedly taken the lead of all her fiber states in manufactural improvements. A society for the encouragement of manufactures and the useful arts, was instituted at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. Several ingenious, well written pamphlets were published at the time, representing our numerous resources and advantages for promoting manufactures, and pointing out the principles upon which they ought to be established *. These publications had a falutary effect ; and have no doubt had their due share of influence in cherishing that spirit of industry and attention to home manufactures, which of late has greatly prevailed in the eastern and middle states.

A cotton manufactory has lately been established at Philadelphia, at which are made jeans, fustians, velvets, velverets and corduroys, equal in goodness to those imported, and much cheaper. Cotton enough might be raised in the southern states, and manufactured in the northern, to clothe all their citizens. A flourishing woolen manufactoay has lately been established at Hertford in Connecticut, with a capital of four thousand dollars, which is increasing. It is computed that in Eait Jersey, more than eight times the quantity of linen and woollen cloth has been manufactured the present year, than in any one year since the peace. In several other states the increase has been equally great.

New England, the seat of the fisheries, has the great advantage of being the cheapest and most populous part of Anerica. Its inhabitants are healthy, active and intelligent, and can be frugal ; and have produced their share of mechanical inventions. These circumstances render it probable that factories of various kinds, which are now numerous and flourishing, will soon be greatly encreased in this part of the union.

An extravagant and wasteful use of foreign manufactures, has been too juft a charge againft the people of America, since the close of the war. They have been fo cheap, so plenty, and so easily obtained on credit, that the consumption of them has been absolutely wanton. To such an excess has it been carried, that the importation of the finer kind of coat, veft and fleeve buttons, buckles, broaches, breast pins, and other trinkets into the port of Philadelphia only, is supposed to have amounted in a single year to ten thousand pounds fterling ; which cost the wearers above fixty thousand dollars. À proportionable quantity of these expenlive and thewy trinkets, it is presumed, have been imported into the other states. Our farmers, in moft parts of the union, to their great honour and advantage, have been long in the excellent economical practice of domestic manufactures of their own use. It is chiefly in large towns that this madness for foreign finery rages and destroys. There, unfortunately, it has been and is still epidemical.

These general observations on the agriculture, commerce and manufactures of the union at large, are introductory to a more particular account • of them in the descriptions of the several states:

* Two of these Pamphlets were written by Tench Coxe, Esq; of Philadelphia. It is wished they coula be read by every citizen of the United States. To extend the influence of the valuable information, and patriotic sentiments which they contain, I have made a very free use of them in the foregoing observations, on the fubje&is of which they treat.

Military

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Military and Marine strength.] On these two heads, as we have no accurate estimate of the number of inhabitants in some of the states, and no official returns of the militia ; and as we have in fact no marine Arength, we are left to the field of conjecture and anticipation. The following estimate may serve until a better one can be made. Suppose the number of inhabitants in the United States to be three millions, eightythree thousand. Deduct from this five hundred and fixty thousand, the fupposed number of negroes; the remainder will be two millions, five hundred and twenty-three thousand, the number of whites. Suppose one fixth part of these capable of bearing arms, it will be found that the number of fencible men in the United States are four hundred and twenty. thousand. This, it is cnceived, is but a moderate estimate. In Virginia, according to Mr. Jefferson's calculation, the number of whites is two hundred and nin-fix thousand, eight hundred and fifty-two ; and the militia forty-nine thousand nine hundred and seventy-one, which is very Rearly one fixth part. In Connecticut there are thirty-nine thousand three hundred and eighty-eight males between fixteen and fifty years of age, who are supposed capable of bearing arms; and the whole number of whites is two hundred and two thousand eight hundred and seventy-seven ; the proportion of fighting men therefore is about one in five. In Rhode iland, Massachusetts and new Hampshires the proportion is about the fame. In Vermont, Kentucky, the Weftern territory and Georgia, which have been newly fettled by a young and thrifty race of husbandmen from the older states, there is, without doubt, a much greater proportion of foldiers. So that in estimating our military strength, we may safely ven. ture to reckon upon four hundred and twenty thousand men. proportion of these are well disciplined, veteran soldiers, whose bravery and expertness in war have been tried and honourably approved. And Europe will acknowledge, that no part of the world can bring into the field an army, of equal numbers, more formidable than can be raised in the United States.

As to marine strength we have none. All then that can be said on this fubject must be by way of anticipation. I mentioned marine strength, only that I might have opportunity of introducing the excellent observations of Mr. Jefferson on this head. After having estimated the pecuniary abilities of Virgini, and finding that it could, without distress, contribute one million of dollars annually towards supporting a federal army, paying the federal debt, building a federal navy, &c. &c. be proceeds to make an application of these abilities, if, unhappily, we should come hereafter to measure force with any European power.

Such an event,' he observes, is devoutly to be deprecated. Young as we are, and with such a country before us to fill with people and with happiness, we should point in that direction the whole generative force of nature, wasting none of it in efforts of mutual destruction. It should be our endeavour to cultivate the peace and friendship of every nation, even of that which has injured us most, when we shall have carried our point against her. Our interest will be to throw open the doors of commerce, and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfed freedom to all persons for the event of whatever they may choose to bring into our ports, and asking the same in theirs. Never was so much false arithmetic employed on any

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subject, as that which has been employed to persuade nations that it is their interest to go to war. Were the money which it has cost to gain, at the clofe of a long war, a little town, or a little territory, the right to cut wood here, or to catch fish there, expended in improving what they already poffess, in making roads, opening rivers, building ports, improving the arts, and finding employment for their idle poor, it would render them much stronger, much wealthier and happier. This I hope will be our wisdom. And, perhaps, to remove as much as posible the occasions of making war, it might be better for us to abandon the occean altogether, that being the element whereon we shall be principally exposed to joftle with other nations: to leave to others to bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. This would make us invulnerable to Europe, by offering none of our property to their prize, and would turn all our citizens to the cultivation of the earth; and, I repeat it again, cultivatois of the earth are the most virtuous and independent citizens. It might be time enough to seek employment for them at sea, when the land no longer offers it. But the actual habits of our countrymen attach them to com

They will exercise it for themselves. Wars then must sometimes be our lot; and all the wise can do, will be to avoid that half of them which would be produced by our own follies, and our acts of injustice ; and to make for the other half the best preparations we can. Of what nature should these be? A land army would be useless for offence, and not the best or safest inftrument of defence. For either of these purposes, 'the fea is the field on which we should meet an European enemy. Oa that element it is necessary we should possess fome power. To aim at such a navy as the greater nations of Europe poffefs, would be a foolish and wicked waste of the energies of our countrymen. It would be to pull or our own heads that load of military expence, which makes the European la. bourer go supperless to bed, and moistens his bread with the sweat of his brows. It will be enough if we enable ourselves to prevent insults from those na. tions of Europe which are weak on the sea, because circumstances exilt, which render even the stronger ones weak as to us. Providence has placed their richest and most defenceleso possessions at our door; has obliged their most precious commerce to pass as it were in review before us. tect this, or to assail us, a small part only of their naval force will ever be risked across the Atlantic. The dangers to which the elements expose them here are too well known, and the greater dangers to which they wonld be exposed at home, were any general calamity to involve their whole fleet. They can attack us by detachment only; and it will suffice to make ourselves equal to what they may detach. Even a smaller force than they may detach will be rendered equal or fuperior by the quickness with which any check may be repaired with us, while losses with them will be irreparable till too late. A small naval force then is suifici. ent for us, and a small one is necessary. What this should be, I will not undertake to say. I will only say, it should by no means be so great as we are able to make it. Suppose the million of dollars, or three hundred thousand pounds, which Virginia could annually spare without distress. to be applied to the creating a navy. A single year's contribution would build, equip, man, and send to sea a force which should carry three huis dred guns. The rest of the confederacy, exerting themselves in the faine pro

portion,

To pro

portion would equip in the same time fifteen hundred guns more. So that one year's contributions would set up a navy of eighteen hundred guns. The British ships of the line average seventy-fix guns ; their frigates thirtyeight. Eighteen hundred gurs then would form a fleet of thirty ships, eighteen of which might be of the line, and twelve frigates. Allowing eight men, the British average for every gun, their annual expence, including fubfiftence, cloathing, pay, and ordinary repairs, would be about twelve hundred and eighty dollars foe the whole. I ftate this only as one year's possible exertion, without deciding whether more or less than a year's exertion should be thus applied.

Hiflory.] In addition to what we have already written of the discovery and settlement of North-America, we shall give a brief history of the late war with Great-Britain, with a sketch of the events which preceeded and prepared the way for the revolution. This general view of the history of the United States will serve as a suitable introduction to the particular histories of the several states, which will be given in their

proper plaees. America was originally peopled by uncivilized nations, which lived mostly by hunting and fishing. The Europeans, who first visited these theres, treating the natives as wild beasts of the forest, which have no property in the woods where they roem, planted the standard of their respective masters where they first-landed, and in their names claimed the country by right of discovery * Prior to any settlement in North America numerous titles of this kind were acquired by the English, French, Spanish, anj Dutch navigators, who came hither for the purposes of fishing and trading with the natives. Slight as such titles were, they were afterwards the causes of contention between the European nations. The subjects of different princes often laid claim to the same tract of country, because both had discovered the same river or promontory ; or because the extent of their respective claims was indeterminate.

While the settlements in this valt uncultivated country were inconsiderable and scattered, and the trade of it confined to the bartering of a few trinkets for furs, a trade carried on by a few adventurers, the interfering of claims produced no important controversy among the settlers, or the nations of Europe. But in proportion to the progress of population, ard the growth of the American trade, the jealoufies of the nations, which had made early discoveries and settlements on this coast, were alarmed; ancient claims were revived, and each power took measures to extend and secure its own possessions at the txpence

of a rival. By the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the English claimed a right of cutting log-wood in the Bay of Campeachy, in South America. In the exercise of this right, the English merchants had frequent opportunities of carrying on a contraband trade with the Spanish settlements on the continent. To remedy this evil, the Spaniards resolved to annihilate a claim, which,

* As well may ihe New Zealanders, who have not yet discovered Europe, fit out a bip, land on the coast of England or France, and, finding no inbabitants but poor fishermea and peasants, claim the whole country by right of difcovery.

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though often acknowledged, had never been clearly ascertained. To effcct this design, they captured the English veff-ls, which they found along the Spanish Main, and many of the British subjects were doomed to work in the mines of Potosi.

Repeated severities of this kind at length (1739) produced a war between England and Spain. Porto Bello was taken from the Spaniards by Admiral Vernon. Commodore Anfon, with a squadron of thips, failed to the South Seas, distressed the Spanish settlements on the western shore of America, and took a Galleon, laden with immense ricies. a formidable armament, destined to attack Carthagena, under the command of Lord Carthcart, returned unsuccessful, with the loss of upwards of twelve thousand British soldiers and seamen, and the defeat of the expedition, railed clamour against the minister, Sir Robert Walpole, which produced a change in the administration. This chaugr removed the scene of war to Europe, so that America was not immediately affected by the subse. quent transactions; except that Louisburgh, the principle fortress of Cape Breton, was taken from the French by General Peperell, assisted by Commodore Warren and a body of New-England troops.

This war was ended in 1784 by the treaty of peace figned at Aix la Chapelle, by which reftitution was made on both sides of all places taken during the war.

Peace, however, was of short duration. The French posleffed Canada, and had made confiderable settlements in Florida, claiming the country on both sides of the Misliffippi, by right of discovery. To secure and extend their claims, they established a line of forts, on the English poffeffions, from Canada, to Florida. They had secured the important pass at Niagara, and erected a fort at the junction of the Allegany and Monongahela rivers, called Fort Du Qucfne. They took pains to secure the friendship and amittance of the natives, enchroachments were made upon the English poir Hous, and mutual injuries facceeded. The disputes among the fettlers in America, and the meatures taken by the French to command all the trade of the St. Lawrence river on the north, and of the Miflillippi on the south, excited a jealousy in the English nation, which foon broke forth in open war.

In 1756, four expeditions were undertaken in America against the French. One was conducted by General Monckton, who had orders to drive the French from the encroachments on the province of Nova-Scotia. This expedition was attended with success. General Johnson was ordered, with a body of troops, to take possession of Crown Point, but he did not succeed. General Shirley commanded an expedition against the fort at Niagara, but lost the season by delay. General Braddock marched against fort Du Quesne, but in penetrating through the wilderness, he incautiously fell into an ambuscade and suffered a total defeat. General Braddock was killed, but a part of his troops were saved by the prudence and bravery of General Washington, at this time a Colonel, who then began to exhibit proofs of those millitary talents, by which he afterwards conducted the armies of America to victory, and his country to independence. The ill success of these expeditions left the English fettlements in America exposed to the depredations of both the French and Indians. But the war now raged in Europe and the East-Indies, and engaged the attention of both nations in those quarters.

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