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matter. It is far from being uncommon to see a gentleman at dinner and his reputed offspring a slave, waiting at the table. • I myself,' says this writer, • saw two instances of this kind; and the company would very facetiously trace the features of the father and mother in the child, and very accurately point out the more characteristic resemblances. The fathers neither of them blushed, nor seemed disconcerted. They were called men of worth, politeness, and humanity. Strange perversion of terms and language ! The Africans are said to be inferior in point of sense, understanding, sentiment and feeling to white people : Hence the one infers a right to enslave the other. The African labours night and day to collect a small pittance to purchase the freedom of his child: The white man begets his likeness, and with much indifference and dignity of foul, sees bis offspring in bondage and misery, and makes not one effort to redeem his own blood. Choice food for satire! wide field for burlesqne! voble game for wit! fad cause for pity to bleed, and for humanity to weep! unless the enkindled blood inflame resentment, and vent itself into execrations!'
To thefe I shall add the obfervations of a native* of a state which contains a greater number of slaves than any of the others. For although his observations upon the influence of slavery were intended for a particular ftate, they will apply equally well to all places where this pernicious practice in any considerable degree prevails.
• There muft, doubtless,' he observes, • be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of Navery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous paffions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submiffions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it ; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the perm of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficent one that his child is present. Bnt generally it is not sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of linaller llaves, gives a loose to his worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be ftamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain liis manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patrie of the other. For if a flave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labour for another: in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavours to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him. This is
fo * Mr. Jefferson.
so true, that of the proprietors of flaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought se. cure when we have removed their only firm balis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath ? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is juft : that his juftice cannot deep for ever;
at considering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolt:tion of the wheel of fortune, and exchange of situation, is among possible events : that it may become probable by supernatural interference !--The Almighty has no attribute which can take lide with us in such a contest. But it is impossile to be temperate and to pursue this fubje&t through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history natural and civila We must be contented to hope they will force their way
every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, fince the origin of the prefent revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave riling from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation; and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the content of the masters, rather than by their extirpation.'
Under the federal government which is now established, we have reason to believe that all Îlaves in the United States will in time be emancipated, in a manner most confiftent with their own happiness, and the true interest of their proprietors. Whether this will be affected by tranfporting them back to Africa ; or by colonizing them in some part of our own territory, and extending to them our alliance and protection until they shall have acquired strength fufficient for their own defence; or by incorporation with the whites; or in some other way, remains to be de. termined. All these methods are attended with difficulties. The first would be cruel ; the second dangerous; and the latter disagreable and unnatural. Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained ; new provocations; the real distinction which nature has made ; belides many other circumstances which would tend to divide them into parties, and produce convulfions, are, objections against retaining and incorporating the blacks with the citizens of the several states, But juslice and humanity demand that these difficulties should be surmounted.
In the middle and northern states, there are comparatively but few slaves ; and of course there is less difficulty in giving them their freedom. Societies for the manumiffion of slaves have been instituted in Philadelphia and New-York; and laws have been enacted, and other measures taken in the New.England states to accomplish the fame purpose. The Friends, (commonly called Quakers,) have evinced the propriety of their name, by their goodness in originating, and their vigorous cxertions in executing, this truly humane and benevolent design.
The English language is the one which is universally spoken in the United States, in which business is tranfacted, and the records kept. It is spoken with great purity, and pronouuced with propriety in New England, by persons of education; and, excepting some few corruptions in pronunciation, by all ranks of people. In the middle and southern states, where they have had a great influx of foreigners, the language in many inttances
is corrupted, especially in pronunciation. Attempts are making to introduce a uniformity of pronunciation throughout the States, which for political as well as other reasons it is hoped will meet the approbation and encouragement of all literary and influential characters.
Intermingled with the Anglo-Americans are the Dutch, Scotch, Irish, French, Germans, Swedes and Jews; all these, except the Sotch and Irish, retain, in a greater or less degree, their native language, in which they perform their public worlhip, converse and transact their business with each other.
The time, however, is anticipated when all dikindions between master and save shall be abolished"; and when the language, manners, customs, political and religious sentiments of the mixed mass of people who inhabit ihe United States, shall have become so affimilated, as that all nominal distinctions shall be lost in the general and honourable name of AMERICANS.
Government.] Until the fourth of July, 1776, the present Thirteen States were British colonies. On that memorable day, the Representa: tives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, made a folemn declaration, in which they assigned their reafons for withdrawing their allegiance from the king of Great-Britain. Appealing to the Su. preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, they did, in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colonies; folemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies were, and of right ought to be Free and INDEPENDENT States; that they were abfolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and Great Britain was, and ought to be totally diffcived; and that as Free and Independent States, they had full power to lery war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which Independent States may of. right do. For the fupport of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, the delegates then in Congress, fifty-five in number, mutually pledged to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their facred honour.
At the saine time they published articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union hetween the States, in which they took the style of
66 THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA," and agreed that each ttate should retain its fovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdicton and right not expressly delegated to Congress by the confed ration. By these articles the Thirteen United States severally entered into a firm league of friendship with each other for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, and bound themselves to allilt each other, against all force offered to, or attacks that might be made upon all, or any of them, on account of religion, fovereignty, commerce, or any other pretence whatever. But for the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States it was determined that Delegates should be annually appointed, in such manner as the Legislature of each State should direct, to meet in Congress, the first Monday in November of every year, with a power reserved to each itate to recal its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to
send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No state was to be represented in Congress by less than two, or more than seven members; and no person could be a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years ; nor was any person, being a delegate, capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his benesit, should receive any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. In determining questions in Congress, each state was to have one vote. Every state was bound to abide by the determination of Congress, in all queftions which were submitted to them by the confederation. The articles of confederation were to be invariably observed by every state, and the union to be perpetual ; nor was any alteration at any time hereafter t) be made in any of the articles, unless such alterations be agreed to in Congress, and be afterwards confirmed by the leigislatures of every state. The articles of confederation were ratified by Congress, July 9, 1778.
These articles of confederation, after eleven years experience, being found inadequate to the purposes of a fæderal government, for reasons bereafter mentioned, delegates were chosen in each of the United States, to meet and fix upon the necessary amendments. They accordingly met in convention at Philadelphia, in the summer of 1787, and agreed to propose the following conftitution for the confideration of their conItituents :
, fect union, establish justice, infure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the bleffings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and chablish this Conftitution for the United States of America.
ARTICLE I. Se&. 1. ALL legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which thall confit of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Seá. 2. The House of Representatives thall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the sereral ftates, and the eleco tors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the fate legislature.
No person shall be a reprefentative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall nut, when elected, be an inhabitant of that ftate in which he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct taxes fhall be apportioned among the several ftates which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians nor taxed, three-fifths of all other perfons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they fhall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to
choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Inand and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York fix, New-Jersey four, Pennsylvania tight, Delaware one, Maryland fix, Virginia ten, North-Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the Executir authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.
The House of Representatives fhall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.
Seli. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two fenators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each seator shall have one vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first elc&tion, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year; and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chofen every second year; and if vacancies happen by refigaation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a senator who Thall not have attained to the age
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be cholen.
The vice-president of the United States, shall be president of the fenate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.
The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president protempore, in the abience of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United State.
The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When fitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside : And no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.
Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted thall neverthelels by liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law.
Sect. 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as the places of choosing senators.
The Congreis shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.
Seč.5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent