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which the farmer can manage, and enable other countries to underfell him which are not infefted with this infect. There is ftill a defideratum than to give with us decifive triumph to this branch of agriculture over that of tobacco. The culture of wheat, by enlarging our pafture, will render an Arabian horse an article of a very confiderable profit. Experience has fhewn that ours in the particular climate of America where he may be raised without degeneracy. Southwardly the heat of the fun occafions a deficiency of paiture, and northwardly the winters are too cold for the short and fine hair, the particular fenfibility and conftitution of that race. Animals tranfplanted into unfriendly climates, either change their nature and acquire new fences against the new difficulties in which they are placed, or they multiply poorly and become extinct. A good foundation is laid for their propagation here by our poffeffing already great. numbers of horses of that blood, and by a decided tafte and preference for them established among the people. Their patience of heat without injury, their fuperior wind, fit them better in this and the more fouthern climates even for the drudgeries of the plough and waggon. Northwardly they will become an object only to perfons of taste and fortune, for the faddle and light carriges. To thefe and for these uses, their fleetness and beauty will recommend them.-Befides thefe there will be other valauable fubftitutes when the cultivation of tobacco fhall be difcontinued, fuch as cotton in the eastern parts of the ftate, and hemp and flax in the western.

It is not easy to say what are the articles either of neceffity, comfort, or luxury, which we cannot raife, and which we therefore fhall be under a neceflity of importing from abroad, as every thing hardier than the olive, and as hardy as the fig, may be raised here in the open air. Sugar, coffee, and tea, indeed, are not between thefe limits; and habit having placed them among the neceffaries of life with the wealthy part of our citizens, as long as thefe habits remain, we must go for them to those countries which are able to furnish them.'

Public Revenue and Expence.] • The nominal amount of these varying conftantly and rapidly, with the conftant and rapid deprecation of our paper money, it becomes impracticable to fay what they are. We find ourfelves cheated in every effay by the depreciation intervening between the declaration of the tax and its equal receipt. It will therefore be more fatisfactory to confider what our income may be when we fhall find means of collecting what the people may spare. I fhall eftimate the whole taxable property of this state at an hundred millions of dollars, or thirty millions of pounds our money. One per cent. on this, compared with any thing we ever yet paid, would be deemed a very heavy tax. Yet I think that thofe who manage well, and ufe reasonable economy, could pay one and a half per cent. and maintain their houfhold comfortably in the mean time, without aliening any part of their principal, and that the people would fubmit to this willingly for the purpofe of fupporting the prefent conteft. We may fay then, that we could raife, and ought to raise, from one million to one million and a half of dollars annually, and that is from three hundred to four hundred and fifty thousand pounds, Virginia

money.

• Of

Of our expences it is equally difficult to give an exact state, and for the fame reafon. They are mostly stated in paper money, which, varying continually, the legislature endeavours at every feffion, by new corrections, to adapt the nominial fums to the value it is wished they should bear. I will ftate them therefore in real coin, at the point at which they endeavour to keep them.

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43,333

Public levy: this is chiefly for the expences of criminal juftice 40,000 County levy, for bridges, court-houses, prifons, &c.

Members of Congrefs

Quota of the Federal civil lift, supposed of about 78,000 }

dollars

I

Expences of collection, 6 per cent. on the above
The clergy receive only voluntary contributions: suppose
them on an averge of a dollar a tythe on 200,000
tythes
Contingencies, to make round numbers not far from truth

40,000

7,000

13,000

12,310

25,000

7,5233

250,000

Dollars, or 53,571 guineas. This eftimate is exclufive of the military expence. That varies with the force actually employed, and in time of peace will probably be little or nothing. It is exclufive alfo of the public debts, which are growing while I am writing, and cannot therefore be now fixed. So it is of the maintenance of the poor, which being merely a matter of charity, cannot be deemed expended in the adminiftration of government. And if we ftrike out the 25,000 dollars for the fervices of the clergy, which neither makes part of that adminiftration, more than what is paid to phyficians or lawyers, and being voluntary, is either much or nothing as every one pleafes, it leaves 225,000 dollars, equal to 48,208 guineas, the real coft of the apparatus of government with us. This divided among the actual inhabitants of our country, comes to about two-fifths of a dollar, 21d. fterling, or 42 fols, the price which each pays annually for the protection of the refidue of his property, that of his perfon, and the other advantages of a free government. The public revenues of Great-Britain, divided in like manner on its inhabitants, would

be

be fixteen times greater. Deducting even the double of the expences of government, as before eftimated, from the million and a half of dollars which we before fuppofed might be annually paid without diftrefs, we may conclude that this ftate can contribute one million of dollars annually towards fupporting the federal army, paying the federal debt, building a federal navy, or opening roads, clearing rivers, forming fafe ports, and

other useful works.'

Hiftory.] We have already given a brief historical account of the first fettlement of Virginia, till the arrival of Lord Delaware in 1610. His arrival with a frelli fupply of fettlers and provifions revived the drooping fpirits of the former company, and gave permanency and refpectability

to the fettlement.

In April, 1613, Mr. John Rolfe, a worthy young gentleman, was married to Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhatan, the famous Indian chief. This connexion, which was very agreeable both to the English and Indians, was the foundation of a friendly and advantageous commerce between them.

In 1616, Mr. Rolf, with his wife Pacahontas, vifited England, where she was treated with that attention and respect which she had merited by her important fervices to the colony in Virginia. She died the year following at Gravefend, in the aad year of her age, just as she was about to embark for America. She had embraced the Chriftian religion; and in her life and death evidenced the fincerity of her profeffion. She left a little fon, who, having received his education in England, came over to Virginia, where he lived and died in affluence and honour, leaving behind him an only daughter. Her defcendents are among the most respectable families in Virginia.

Tomocomo, a fenfible Indian, brother in law to Pocahontas, accompanied her to England; and was directed by Powhatan to bring him an exact account of the numbers and strength of the English. For this purpose, when he arrived at Plymouth, he took a long stick, intending to cut a notch in it for every perfon he should fee. This he foon found impracticable, and threw away his stick. On his return, being asked by Powhatan, how many people there were, he is faid to have replied, Count the stars in the fky, the leaves on the trees, and the fands on the sea shore; for such is the number of people in England.'

In pursuance of the authorities given to the company by their several charties, and more especially of that part in the charter of 1609, which authorised them to establish a form of government, they, on the 24th of July, 1621, by charter under their common feal, declared, That from thence forward there fhould be two fupreme councils in Virginia, the one to be called the council of ftate, to be placed and displaced by the treasurer, council in England, and company, from time to time, whose office was to be that of affifting and advising the governor; the other to be called the general affembly, to be convened by the governor once, yearly, or oftener, which was to confift of the council of ftate, and two burgeffes out of every town, hundred, or plantation, to be respectively chofen by the inhabitants. In this all matters were to be decided by the greater part of the votes prefent, referving to the governor a negative voice; and they were to have power to treat, confult, and conclude all

emergent

emergent occafions concerning the public weal, and to make laws for the behoof and government of the colony, imitating and following the laws and policy of England as nearly as might be: Providing that thefe laws should have no force till ratified in a general quarter court of the company in England, and returned under their common feal, and declaring that, after the government of the colony fhould be well framed and fettled, no orders of the council in England fhould bind the colony, unless ratified in the faid general affembly. The king and company quarrelled, and, by a mixture of law and force, the latter were oufted of all their rights, without retribution, after having expended 100,000l. in establishing the colony, without the smallest aid from government. King James fufpended their powers by proclamation of July 15, 1624, and Charles I. took the government into his own hands. Both fides had their partifans in the colony: but in truth the people of the colony in general thought themselves little concerned in the difpute. There being three parties interested in these several charters, what paffed between the first and second it was thought could not effect the third. If the king seized on the powers of the company, they only paffed into other hands, without increase or diminution, while the rights of the people remained as they were. But they did not remain fo long. The northern parts of their country were granted away to the Lords Baltimore and Fairfax, the firft of these obtaining alfo the rights of feparate jurifdiction and government. And in 1650, the parliament, confidering itself as ftanding in the rlace of their depofed king, and as having fucceeded to all his powers, without as well as within the realm, began to affume a right over the colonies, paffing an act for inhibiting their trade with foreign nations. This fucceffion to the exercife of the kingly authority gave the first colour for parliamentary interference with the colonies, and produced that fatal precedent which they continued to follow after they had retired, in other reípects, within their proper functions. When the colony, therefore, which still maintained its oppofition to Cromwell and the parliament, was induced, in 1651, to lay down their arms, they previously secured their most effential rights, by a folemn convention.

• This convention entered into with arms in their hands, they fuppofed had fecured their ancient limits of their country-its free trade-its exemption from taxation, but by their own affembly, and exclusion of military force from among them. Yet in every of these points was this convention violated by fubfequent kings and parliaments, and other infractions of their conftitution. equally dangerous, committed. Their general affembly, which was compofed of the council of state and burgeffes, fitting together and deciding by plurality of voices, was split into two houses, by which the council obtained a feparate negative on their laws. Appeals from their fupreme court, which had been fixed by law in their general affembly, where arbitrarily revoked to England, to be there heard before the king and council. Instead of 400 miles on the fea coaft, they were reduced, in the space of 30 years, to about 100 miles. Their trade with

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foreigners was totally fuppreffed, and, when carried to Great-Britain, was there loaded with impofts. It is unneceffary, however, to glean up the feveral inftances of injury, as fcattered through American and British history, and the more especially as, by paffing on to the acceffion of the present king,

we

we shall find specimens of them all, aggravated, multiplied, and crouded within a fmall compass of time, fo as to evince a fixed defign of confidering our rights natural, conventional and chartered as mere nullities. The following is an epitome of the first fifteen years of his reign, The colonies were taxed internally and externally; their effential interests facrificed to individuals in Great-Britain; their legislatures fufpended; charters annulled; trials by juries taken away; their perfons fubjected to transportation across the Atlantic, and to trial before foreign judicatories; their fupplications for redrefs thought beneath anfwer; themselves published as cowards in the councils of their mother country and courts of Europe; armed troops fent among them to enforce fubmiffion to thefe violences; and actual hostilities commenced against them. No alternative was prefented but refiftance, or unconditional fubmiffion. Between thefe could be no hesitation. They clofed in the appeal to arms. They declared themfelves independent ftates. They confederated together into one great republic; thus fecuring to every ftate the benefit of an union of their whole force.'

The ftate of Virginia has taken a leading, active, and influential part in bringing about the late grand revolution in our Federal Government*. This event, however, has unhappily divided the citizens into two parties of nearly equal ftrength. Though they were united in the opinion, that an alteration in our government was neceffary, they have not agreed in the plan. While one party warmly espouses the prefent fyftem of government the other as violently oppofes its going into operation without amendments. Their debates run high. What will be their iffue cannot be predicted.

LIST of PRESIDENTS and GOVERNORS of Virginia, from its first fettlement to the year 1624 t.

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*See Hiftory of the United States, page 122.

+ Stith brings down the History of Virginia no farther than this period. A

lift of the governors fince has not been received.

INDIAN A,

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