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which the farmer can manage, and enable other countries to underfell him which are not infefted with this insect. There is still a desideratum than to give with us decisive triumph to this branch of agriculture over that of tobacco. The culture of wheat, by enlarging our pasture, will render an Arabian horse an article of a very considerable profit. Experience has shewn that ours in the particular climate of America where he may be raised without degeneracy. Southwardly the heat of the fun occasions a deficiency of paiture, and northwardly the winters are too cold for the short and fine hair, the particular fenfibility and constitution of that

Animals transplanted into unfriendly climates, either change their nature and acquire new fences againit the new difficulties in which they are placed, or they multiply poorly and become extinct. A good foundation is laid for their propagation here by our poffeffing already great. numbers of horses of that blood, and by a decided taste and preference for them established among

the people.

Their patience of heat without injury, their superior wind, fit them better in this and the more southern climateş even for the drudgeries of the plough and waggon. Northwardly they will become an object only to persons of taste and fortune, for the faddle and light carriges. To these and for these uses, their fleetness and beauty will recommend them.—Besides these there will be other valauable substitutes when the cultivation of tobacco shall be discontinued, such as cotton in the easern parts of the state, and hemp and flax in the weitern.

• It is not easy to say what are the articles either of necessity, comfort, or luxury, which we cannot raise, and which we therefore shall be under a neceflity of importing from abroad, as every thing hardier than the olive, and as hardy as the fig, may be raised here in the open air. Sugar, coffee, and tea, indeed, are not between these limits; and habit having placed them among the necessaries of life with the wealthy part of our citizens, as long as these habits remain, we must go for them to those countries which are able to furnish them.'

Public Revenue and Expence.] · The nominal amount of these varying constantly and rapidly, with the constant and rapid deprecation of our paper money, it becomes impracticable to say what they are. We find ourselves cheated in every eflay by the depreciation intervening between the declaration of the tax and its equal receipt. It will therefore be more satisfactory to consider what our income may be when we shall find means of collecting what the people may spare. I shall estimate the whole taxable property of this state at an hundred millions of dollars, or thirty millions of pounds our money. One per cent. on this, compared with any thing we ever yet paid, would be deemed a very heavy táx. Yet I think that those who manage well, and use reasonable ceconomy, could pay one and a half per cent. and maintain their houshold comfortably in the mean time, without aliening any part of their principal, and that the people would submit to this willingly for the purpose of supporting the prefent conteft. We may say then, that we could raise, and ought to raise, from one million to one million and a half of dollars annually, and that is from three hundred to four hundred and fifty thousand pounds, Virginia money.

- Of

• Of our expences it is equally difficult to give an exact state, and for the same reafon. They are mostly stated in paper money, which, varying continually, the legislature endeavours at every fesion, by new corrections, to adapt the nominial sums to the value it is wished they should bear. I will state them therefore in real coin, at the point at which they endeavour to keep them.

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Dollars. The annual expences of the general assembly are about

20,000 The governor

3,333 The council of state

10,666 Their clerks

1,166 Eleven judges

11,000 The clerk of the chancery

666 The attorney-general

1,000 Three auditors and a solicitor

5,333 Their clerks

2,000 The treasurer

2,000 His clerks

2,000 The keeker of the public jail

1,000 The public printer

1,6667 Clerks of the inferior courts

43,3335 Public levy: this is chiefly for the expences of criminal justice 40,000 County levy, for bridges, court-houses, prisons, &c.

40,000 Members of Congress


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Expences of collection, 6 per cent. on the above
The clergy receive only voluntary contributions : suppose

them on an averge of a doilar a tythe on 200,000

Contingencies, to make round numbers not far from truth

Qualians the Federal civil lik, supposed ; of about 78,000}




250,000 Dollars, or 53,571 guineas. This estimate is exclusive of the military expence.. That varies with the force actually employed, and in time of peace will probably be little or nothing. It is exclusive also of the public debts, which are growing while I am writing, and cannot therefore be. now fixed. So it is of the maintenance of the poor, which being merely a matter of charity, cannot be deemed expended in the administration of government. And if we strike out the 25,000 dollars for the services of the clergy, which neither makes part of that administration, more than what is paid to physicians or lawyers, and being voluntary, is either much or nothing as every one pleases, it leaves 225,000 dollars, equal to 48,208 guineas, the real cost of the apparatus of government with us. This divided among the actual inhabitants of our country, comes to about two-fifths of a dollar, 2id. sterling, or 42 sols, the price which each pays annually for the protection of the residue of his property, that of his person, and the other advantages of a free government. The public revenues of Great-Britain, divided in like manner on its inhabitants, would


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be fixteen times greater. Deducting even the double of the expences of government, as before estimated, from the million and a half of dollars which we before supposed might be annually paid without distrefs, we may conclude that this state can contribute one million of dollars annually towards supporting the federal army, paying the federal debt, building a federal navy, or opening roads, clearing rivers, forming safe ports, and other useful works."

History.) We have already given a brief historical account of the first settlement of Virginia, till the arrival of Lord Delaware in 1610. His arrival with a freíh supply of settlers and provisions revived the drooping spirits of the former company, and gave permanency and respectability to the settlement.

In April, 1613, Mr. John Rolfe, a worthy young gentleman, was married to Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhatan, the famous Indian chief. This connexion, which was very agreeable both to the English and Indians, was the foundation of a friendly and advantageous commerce between them.

In 1616, Mr. Rolf, with his wife Pacahontas, visited England, where she was treated with that attention and respect which she had merited by her important services to the colony in Virginia. She died the year following at Gravesend, in the sad


of her age, just as she was about to embark for America. She had embraced the Christian religion ; and in her life and death evidenced the sincerity of her profession. She left a little son, who, having received his education in England, came over to Virginia, where he lived and died in affluence and honour, leaving behind him an only daughter. Her descendents are among the most respectable families in Virginia.

Tomocomo, a sensible Indian, brother in law to Pocahontas, accompanied her to England; and was directed by Powhatan to bring him an exact account of the numbers and strength of the English. For this purpose, when he arrived at Plymouth, he took a long stick, intending to cut a notch in it for every person he should see. This he foon found impracticable, and threw away his stick. On his return, being asked by Powhatan, how many people there were, he is said to have replied, · Count the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sands on the sea shore ; for such is the number of people in England.'

• In pursuance of the authorities given to the company by their several charties, and more especially of that part in the charter of 1609, which authorised them to establish a form of government, they, on the 24th of July, 1621, by charter under their common seal, declared, That from thence forward there should be two supreme councils in Virginia, the one to be called the council of state, to be placed and displaced by the treasurer, council in England, and company, from time to time,' whose office was to be that of affifting and advising the governor; the other to be called the general assembly, to be convened by the governor once, yearly, or oftener, which was to consist of the council of state, and two hurgesses out of every town, hundred, or plantation, to be respectively chosen by the inhabitants. In this all matters were to be decided by the greater part of the votes present, reserving to the governor a negative voice; and they were to have power to treat, consult, and conclude all


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emergent occasions concerning the public weal, and to make laws for the behoof and government of the colony, imitating and following the laws and policy of England as nearly as might be : Providing that these laws should have no force till ratified in a general quarter court of the company in England, and returned under their common seal, and declaring that, after the government of the colony should be well framed and settled, no orders of the council in England should bind the colony, unless ratified in the said general assembly. The king and company quarrelled, and, by a mixture of law and force, the latter were ousted of all their rights, without retribution, after having expended 100,000l. in establishing the colony, without the smallest aid from government. King James suspended their powers by proclamation of July 15, 1624, and Charles I. took the government into his own hands. Both sides had their partifans in the colony: but in truth the people of the colony in general thought themselves little concerned in the dispute. There being three parties interested in these several charters, what passed between the first and second it was thought could not effect the third. If the king seized on the powers of the company, they only passed into other hands, without increase or diminution, while the rights of the people remained as they were. But they did not remain so long. The northern parts of their country were granted away to the Lords Baltimore and Fairfax, the firft of these obtaining also the rights of separate jurisdiction and government. And in 1650, the parliament, considering itself as standing in the * place of their deposed king, and as having succeeded to all his powers, without as well as within the realm, began to assume a right over the colonies, passing an act for inhibiting their trade with foreign nations. This succeifion to the exercise of the kingly authority gave the first colour for parliamentary interference with the colonies, and produced that fatal precedent which they continued to follow after they had retired, in other respects, within their proper functions. When the colony, therefore, which still maintained its opposition to Cromwell and the parliament, was induced, in 1651, to lay down their arms, they previously secured their most essential rights, by a folemn convention.

« This convention entered into with arms in their hands, they supposed had secured their ancient limits of their countryits free trade-its'exemption from taxation, but by their own assembly, and exclusion of military force from

them. Yet in

every of these points was this convention violated by subsequent kings and parliaments, and other infractions of their conftitution. equally dangerous, committed. Their general af. sembly, which was composed of the council of state and burgesles, fitting together and deciding by plurality of voices, was split into two houses, by which the council obtained a separate negative on their laws. Appeals from their supreme court, which had been fixed by law in their general assembly, where arbitrarily revoked to England, to be there heard before the king and council. Instead of 400 miles on the sea coaft, they were reduced, in the space of 30 years, to about 100 miles. Their trade with foreigners was totally suppressed, and, when carried to Great-Britain, was there loaded with imposts. It is unnecessary, however, to glean up the several instances of injury, as scattered through American and British history, and the more especially as, by passing on to the accession of the present king,

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we shall find specimens of them all, aggravated, multiplied, and crouded within a small compass of time, so as to evince a fixed design of considering our rights natural, conventional and chartered as mere nullities. The following is an epitome of the first fifteen years of his reign, The colonies were taxed internally and externally; their essential interests sacrificed to individuals in Great-Britain; their legislatures suspended; charters annulled; trials by juries taken away; their persons subjected to transportation across the Atlantic, and to trial before foreign judicatories; their fupplications for redress thought beneath answer; themselves published as cowards in the councils of their mother country and courts of Europe ; armed troops fent among them to enforce submission to these violences; and actual hoftilities commenced against them. No alternative was presented but resistance, or unconditional submission. Between these could be no hesitation. They closed in the appeal to arms. They declared themselves independent states. They confederated together into one great republic; thus securing to every state the benefit of an union of their whole force.'

The state of Virginia has taken a leading, active, and influential part in bringing about the late grand revolution in our Federal Government*

This event, however, has unhappily divided the citizens into two parties of nearly equal strength. Though they were united in the opinion, that an alteration in our government was necessary, they have not agreed in the plan. While one party warmly espouses the present system of government the other as violently opposes its going into operation without amendments. Their debates run high. What will be their issue cannot be predicted. List of PRESIDENTS and Governors of Virginia, from its first settlement

to the year 1624 t.


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of the good


grant, for the only land, begit it empties Laurel Hi Monongah the several of Penniylv boundary to the river

ning, inclus

presence of

Since the either from knowledge that Mr. 1

good, lauf


This ma mittee app

Edward Maria Wingfield, from May, 1607, to Sept. 1607.
John Ratcliffe,

Sept. 1607, to July, 1608.
Mat. Scrivener, Vice-President, July, 1608, to Sept. 1608.
John Smith,

Sept. 1608, to Sept. 1609.
George Percy, Governor, Sept. 1609, to May, 1610.
Sir Thomas Gates,

May, 1610, to June, 1610.
Lord Delaware,

June, 1610, to March, 1611.
George Percy,

March, 1611, to May, 1611.
Sir Thomas Dale,

May, 1611, to Aug. 1611.
Sir Thomas Gates,

August, 1611, to 1614.
Sir Thomas Dale,

1614, to

1616. George Yeardley,

1616, to 1617. Samuel Argall,

1617, to 1619. George Yeardley,

1619, to Nov. 1621. Sit Francis Wyat,

Nov. 1621, to

the whole,

Croghan a hideration, lands from the crown

ginia, and


Resolved United Sta of the faid or either making a r

* See History of the United States, page 122. + Stith brings down the History of Virginia no

farther than this period. A lift of the governors since has not been received.

he crown


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