afterwards at the battle of Platea effectually for Demaratus, and thus addressed him : * ! atoned for his former conduct. CCXXXII. It is also said that another of the three hundred survived; his name was Pantites, and he had been sent on some business to Thessaly. Returning to Sparta, he felt himself in disgrace, and put an end to his life. CCXXXIII. The Thebans, under the command of Leontiades, hitherto constrained by force, had fought with the Greeks against the Persians; but as soon as they saw that the Persians were victorious, when Leonidas and his party retired to the hill, they separated themselves from the Greeks. In the attitude of suppliants they approached the Barbarians, assuring them what was really the truth, that they were attached to the Medes; that they had been among the first to render earth and water; that they had only come to Thermopylae on compulsion, and could not be considered as accessory to the slaughter of the king's troops. The Thessalians confirming the truth of what they had asserted their lives were preserved. have already, Demaratus, had experience of been amply investigated by the learned; but I may perhaps be able to make a few things familiar to my English readers, which were obscure or unknown to them be The Spartans are renowned in the volumes of fore. antiquity for one virtue above all others : I speak of their fortitude, which they carried to an amazing and almost incredible perfection, a virtue, which if we canvass and examine it to the extent in which it was practised by ' this extraordinary people, will seem almost peculiar to themselves. It was the aim of Lycurgus to settle and root in the minds of the Spartans this principle, that the preferen was always to be given to virtue, which constituted the another. And he succeeded almost to a miracle. He only real difference or inequality between one man and persuaded them to renounce all other means of happiness usually but falsely so called, to make virtue their chief and only object, and to put themselves, their desires, and their hopes to this single test. He prevailed on the righ and noble to give up their ample possessions, to throw all they had into a common fund, and to reduce them. And these men, selves to a level with their neighbours. instead of the soft and tender blandishments of plenty, the sweets of luxury, and the pride of life, to which they had been accustomed, were contented to submit to the austerities of a severe and painful discipline; to sit down to a coarse mess of black Spartan broth; to make no sp Some of them how-pearance, to expect no treatment abroad better than others. This astonishing reformation was confirmed and secured by two expedients; the one which obred every person to dine constantly in public with his own tribe, on the dinner which was provided for them at the expense of the state; the other, which forbade the use of any other than iron money: by these salutary injunetions, every opportunity of indulging in luxury was cut off, as well as the means of providing for it. They ra dered money altogether useless among them, so that Plutarch informs us, it was a common saying in other countries, "that at Sparta, and there alone, of all the cities in the world, Plutus the god of riches was bind, a mere picture or statue without life or motion" 1 would here remark, that is one note of difference which Polybius assigns against those who likened the Cretan polity to the Spartan, see book sixth. Plato also, when he reckons riches the fourth ordinary blessing to a state, certainly could not esteem this disregard of money which prevailed in Sparta as a mark of extraordinary virtue; but ordinances so self-denying, so opposite to the ser gestions of sense, and the ordinary practice of mankind, would not have been received on the authority of Ly curgus, if they had not been favoured by a character of mind peculiar to this people. It was the natural and constitutional bravery of the Spartans which inclined them to admit and obey such a plan and form of govern ever were slain; for as they approached, the Barbarians put several to the sword; but the greater part, by the order of Xerxes, had the royal marks impressed upon them, beginning with Leontiades himself. Eurymachus his son was afterwards slain at the head of four hundred Thebans, by the people of Platea, whilst he was making an attempt upon their city. CCXXXIV. In this manner the Greeks fought' at Thermopylæ. Xerxes afterwards sent be rendered quaker; this seems to have been an established term of opprobrium in Sparta; Tyrtæus says, Teloσar Tard' avde̟wv xao' axoλwd' agır”—“ the tremblers are devoid of all virtue." See Brunck's Anal. vol. i. p. 40.-T. 1 The Greeks fought.]-Plutarch censures Herodotus for omitting many memorable things relating to Leonidas. Some of those specified by Plutarch I have already introduced in my notes, others were as follows: When the wife of Leonidas took leave of him, she asked him what commands he had for her? "Marry," said he, in reply, "a good man, and bring him good children."— Being desirous of saving two of his relations, who were with him at Thermopyla, he pretended to give them messages to the senate of Sparta; "I followed you," says one of them, "to fight, not as a messenger." "What you enjoin," says the other, "is the business of a messenger;" he then took up his shield and placed himself in his rank. I cannot in a more proper place than this make a few miscellaneous remarks upon the institutions of Lycurgus, and the manners of the Spartans; not that I entertain any hope of throwing new light on a subject which has | ment. Precept and authority alone would not have done to for the passions of men are neither to be reasoned nat terrified from their own bent and tendency: it is therefore but rendering justice to this gallant people to routes, that their bravery of mind was founded in inclination and principle. Cicero observes, that the Spartans and the same could not be said of any other people in the world) had retained their primitive manners, without changing their laws, for more than seven hundred years -See Orat. pro L. Flacco. Lacedæmonii soli, toto orbe terrarum, septingentos annos et amplius suis moribus et nunquam mutatis legibus, vixerunt-See also Lirs, book xxx. c. 34. your truth and integrity, every thing has happened as you foretold; tell me then how many Plutarch says, only five hundred years, until the time of Agis, son of Archidamus, in which period fourteen kings had reigned. See his life of Lycurgus. The conquest of Lysander in Asia, by filling Lacedæmon with money, introduced luxury, and vitiated their morals; several examples of which are produced by Xenophon. The women of Sparta seem little less entitled to admiration; strangers to the natural weakness and softness of their sex, they were actuated by the same gallant spirit as the men. They submitted to a like discipline, and endured similar hardships. Instead of studying the accomplishments which usually distinguish a female education, they accustomed themselves to manly exercises; to running, wrestling, throwing the dart or quoit; having the emulation to contend with men at their own arts, and to bear them company in the same paths of glory. I cannot help presuming, with respect to the dames as well as the men of Sparta, that it must have been some thing innate, something beyond the power of education, custom, or example, which constitutes the wonderful difference we discern in them, compared with all other women. Can it then be a matter of wonder, that the Spartan females claimed extraordinary privileges at home, and more extensive power in the government of their families. Lycurgus disliked that excessive authority, which the women had usurped, and attempted it seems, to reform it, and to restore to the husband the usual and proper authority in his own house; but in vain: a convincing argument, that if the women had not of themselves been inclined to his laws of female education, they would have paid them neither attention nor obedience. War, then, and conquest, with the endurance of fatigue, were the principal objects which the Spartans had in view. Learning, and the study of letters, of arts and sciences, to which their neighbours the Athenians were devoted, were in no repute among them. Hence it has been observed, that the former made the better figure in war, the latter in peace.-See Valerius Maximus, 1. ii. c. 6. Egregios virtutis bellicæ spiritus Lacedæmoniorum, prudentissimi pacis moribus Athenienses subsequuntur. And this was unquestionably true, since we are assured, that although the most rigorous care was taken to keep their youth constantly to their exercises, their men of mature years were permitted to live just as they pleased; they followed no employment, they disdained industry and honest labour, and were indeed forbidden to pursue any art, which was accounted illiberal; even husbandry, and the management and culture of their lands, the most rational and public spirited study that can be pursued, they left entirely to their slaves. The old men of Sparta spent the whole of their time in frequenting their schools and apartments of the youth, as at Athens they did at the public places of resort, to hear or to tell some new thing. The former indeed could mispend their time in this manner with more grace, and might plead the authority of Lycurgus in their vindication, whose policy and scheme of government aimed at maintaining an equality among the people, by restraining them from trade, and the arts of growing rich. The design of Solon was entirely the reverse: he strove to animate the Athenians with a spirit of industry; he enacted a law against idleness, requiring every person to have a calling and profession, and the philosopher who had none fell under the statute. Cleanthes and Menedemus were indicted and called before the Areopagus on of the Lacedæmonians may there be left, how many of like valour with those who have perished, or are they all alike ?" "Sir," replied Demaratus, "the Lacedæmonians are a numerous people, and possessed of many cities; but I will answer your question more particularly. Sparta itself contains eight thousand men, all of whom are equal in valour to those who fought here: the other Lacedæmonians, though inferior to these, are still brave." "Tell me then," returned Xerxes, "how we may subdue these men with least trouble? you who have been their prince, must know what measures they are likely to pursue." 66 CCXXXV. "Since, Sir," answered Demaratus, you place a confidence in my opinion, it is proper that I should speak to you from the best of my judgment: I would therefore recommend you to send a fleet of three hundred vessels to the coast of Lacedæmonia. Contiguous to this is an island named Cythera, of which Chilon, the wisest of our countrymen, observed, that it would be better for the Spartans if it were buried in the sea; foreseeing the probability of such a measure as I now recommend. From this island your troops may spread terror over Sparta. Thus, a war so very near them, may remove from you any apprehension of their assisting the rest of Greece, which will then be open to your arms, and this account. The statute which restrained the study of rhetoria at Rome, necigned this reason. 66 Thi haminas adolescentulos totos dies desidere;" for the same reason philosophers were banished, among whom was Epictetus in the reign of Domitian.-See Aulus Gellius, 1. xv. c. 11. I have little to say on the religion of the Spartans. The object of their worship seems to have been diversified by them as well as hy the Athonians according to the system of politics which their respective lawgivers established. Solon, intent upon promoting commerce, and gainful arts, presented the GREAT GODDESS to the Athenians, holding in her right hand the weaver's beam, and he surnamed her from the Egyptians, Athene, and Minerva, styling her the goddess of arts and sciences. Lycurgus, training up the Spartans to the discipline of war, clothed the same goddess in armour, called her Pallas, and the Goddess of Battle (παμμαχος και χαλ21azos Ora) Aristoph. Lysist. ad finem. She was styled Chalciccus, either because her temple was of brass, or because it was built by fugitives from Chalcis in Euboea. The brothers also, Castor and Pollux, were for similar reasons enrolled in the Fasti of the Spartans; and I presume, if the Pagan Theology be capable of being reduced to any fixed and settled rules, it will be best explained and accounted for by supposing the religion of every different nation or people to be a mixture of worship, and physics, and politics, and that their idols were representations of natural causes, named and habited ac cording to the different tempers and genius of those who set them up.-T. which if subdued, will leave Sparta hardly able in a friend's happiness; has no sentiments for to oppose you. If my advice be disregarded him but those of the truest kindness, and gives you may expect what follows. There is a nar-him always the best advice. Let no one thererow isthmus in the Peloponnese, in which all fore in future use any invective against Demarits people will assemble in resistance to your atus, who is my friend." arms, and where you will have far more violent contests to sustain than you have here experienced. If you execute what I propose, you may without a battle become master of the isthmus, with all the cities of Peloponnesus." CCXXXVIII. When Xerxes had finished, he went to view the dead, amongst whom was Leonidas. When he heard that he had been the prince and leader of Sparta, he ordered his head to be cut off, and his body to be suspended on a cross. This incident is no small proof to me, amongst many others, that Xerxes indulged the warmest indignation against Leonidas whilst he was alive. He otherwise would not have treated him when dead with such barbarity. I know that the Persians, of all mankind, most highly honour military virtue. The orders however of the king were executed. CCXXXIX. I shall now return to the CCXXXVI. Achæmenes the brother of Xerxes, and commander of the fleet, was present at this interview. Fearful that the king might do as he had been advised, he thus delivered his sentiments: "You seem, Sir," said he, "too much inclined to listen to a man, who either envies your prosperity, or wishes to be trav you. It is the character of Greeks to envy the successful, and to hate their superiors. We have already lost by shipwreck four hun-thread of our history. The Spartans were the dred vessels; if we detach three hundred more to the Peloponnese, the force of our opponents will be equal to our own; our united fleet will be far superior to theirs, and with respect to any efforts they can make, invincible. If your forces by land, and your fleet by sea advance at the same time, they will be able mutually to assist each other; if you separate them, the fleet will not be able to assist you, nor you the fleet. It becomes you to deliberate well on your own affairs, and not to concern yourself about those of your enemies, nor to inquire where they will commones their hostilities, what measures they will take, or how numerous they are. Let them attend to their affairs, we to ours. If the Lacedæmonians shall presume to attack the Persians, they will be far from repairing the loss they have already sustained." CCXXXVII. "Achæmenes," answered Xerxes, "I approve your counsel, and will follow it. The sentiments of Demaratus are, I well know, dictated by his regard to my interests; but your advice to me seems preferable. I cannot be persuaded that he has any improper intentions, events having proved the wisdom of his former counsels. One man frequently envies the prosperity of another, and indulges in secret sentiments of hatred against him, neither will he, when he requires it, give him salutary advice, unless indeed from some surprising effort of virtue; but a friend exults first who were acquainted with the king's designs against Greece; they sent to the oracle on the occasion, and received the answer I have related. The intelligence was communicated to them in an extraordinary manner. Demaratus, the son of Ariston, had taken refuge amongst the Medes, and, as there is every reason to suppose, was not friendly to the Spartans. He however it was who informed them of what was meditated, whether to serve or insult them must be left to conjecture. When Xerxes had resolved on this expedition against Greece, Demaratus, who was at Susa, and acquainted with his intentions, determined to inform the Lacedæmonians. As this was both difficult and dangerous, he employed the following means: he took two tablets, and erased the wax from each; then inscribed the purpose of the king upon the wood. This done, he replaced the wax, that the several guards on the road, from seeing the empty tablets, might have no suspicion of the business. When these were delivered at Lacedæmon, the people had no conception of their meaning, till, as I have been informed, Gorgo, the daughter of Cleomenes and wife of Leonidas, removed the difficulty. Imagining what might be intended, she ordered the wax to be removed, and thus made the contents of the tablets known. The Lacedæmonians, after examining what was inscribed on the wood, circulated the intelligence through Greece. HERODOTUS. BOOK VIII. URANIA. I. I HAVE before described the events which are said to have happened. The Greeks who composed the naval armament were these: The Athenians' furnished one hundred and twenty-seven vessels, part of which were manned by Plateans, who, though ignorant of sea affairs, were prompted by zeal and courage; the Corinthians brought forty ships, the Megarians twenty; the Chalcidians equipped twenty ships, which the Athenians supplied; the Egineta eighteen, the Sicyonians twelve, and the Lacedæmonians ten; the Epidaurians brought eight, the Eretrians seven, the Trozenians five, the Styreans two, the people of Ceos two, and two barks of fifty oars; the Opuntian Locrians assisted the confederates with seven vessels of fifty oars. II. These were stationed at Artemisium; and such were the numbers which each nation supplied. Without taking into the account the vessels of fifty oars, the whole amounted to two hundred and seventy-one. Of these the commander-in-chief appointed by the Spartans, was Eurybiades, the son of Euryclidas. The allies refused to serve under the Athenians, and had resolved, unless they had a Spartan leader, to disperse. III. At first, and before any deputation had been sent to Sicily requiring assistance, it had been debated whether it would not be expedient to intrust the conduct of the naval forces to the Athenians; but as this was opposed by the allies, the Athenians did not insist upon it." Their principal concern was the welfare of Greece, and as they were sensible that it would 1 Athenians.]—Diodorus Siculus makes the number of Athenian vessels on this occasion two hundred. 2 Did not insist upon it.]-Mr Glover, in his Poem of the Athenaid, puts this sentiment into the mouth of Themistocles: Wisely did we cede To Spartan Eurybiades command; The different squadrons to their native ports Had else deserted, &c. be endangered by any contention, they very wisely withdrew their claims as much as war itself is more destructive than peace, so much more dangerous are intestine commotions, than a war conducted with consistency and union; persuaded of this, they did not dispute the matter whilst circumstances justified and required their forbearance. Afterwards, when having repelled the Persian, they were contending for what belonged to him, they made the insolence of Pausanias a pretence for depriving the Lacedæmonians of the command. These, however were things which happened afterwards. IV. When the Greeks assembled at Artemisium saw the number of ships which were collected at Aphetæ, and every place crowdea with troops, they were struck with terror; and as the attempts of the Barbarians had succeeded so much beyond their expectations, they consulted about retreating to the interior parts of Greece. When this idea had boon ganarallp circulated, the Euboeans entreated Eurybiades to give them time to remove their children and their slaves. Unsuccessful in this application, they went to Themistocles the Athenian leader, whom they engaged on consideration of thirty talents, to continue at Euboea, and risk the event of a battle. V. This was effected by Themistocles in the following manner: he presented Eurybiades with five talents, as if from himself; having gained him, he had only to prevail on Adimantus the Corinthian, the son of Ocytus, who 3 Parts of Greece.]-Plutarch is very severe upon Herodotus for making this assertion. Pindar, says he, who was a native of a city supposed to be attached to the Medes, mentions the behaviour of the Athenians at Artemisium with the highest encomiums. So perhaps he might, but what does this prove? certainly not that the Greeks did not stay and fight against their will, though when they actually were engaged, they behaved with extraordinary valour. 4 Adimantus the Corinthian.]-This Adimantus in the event behaved timidly. He was a Corinthian, and leader was obstinate in his determination to sail from VII. With this idea they pursued the followArtemisium. After using the solemnity of ing measures: two hundred chosen vessels were an oath, "If you," said he, "will not desert, detached beyond Sciathus, lest in passing round I promise to give you a greater present than Euboea they might be discovered by the the king of the Medes would have done for enemy off Capharea and Geræstus, near the leaving us." He instantly sent to his vessel | Euripus, meaning thus to enclose them, and three talents of silver. By these gifts he gain- commence an attack at the same time in the ed the commanders to his purpose, and satisfied rear and in front. With this design the apthe Euboeans. Themistocles rewarded him-pointed squadron set sail; it was not their inself by keeping the remainder, whilst they who had accepted of his presents supposed the money had been sent him from Athens for this purpose. VI. They continued therefore at Euboea, and came to a battle. The Barbarians arriving at break of day at Aphetæ, had before heard that the Greeks at Artemisium were very few in number. On their seeing this they were eager to engage, in expectation of taking them; they did not, however, think it expedient to advance directly to the attack, lest the Greeks perceiving them should escape under cover of the night. The Persians had already boasted that not even the torch-bearer' should escape them. of the Corinthians; he must not therefore be confounded with the Athenian Adimantus, who greatly distinguished himself against the Persians, and who probably is the same person who was archon in the fourth year of the seventy-fifth Olympiad. An epitaph by Simonides was inscribed on his tomb, intimating, that by his counsels Greece became free.-Larcher. 1 Torch-bearer.]-Before trumpets were used in armies, the signal for battlo was givon by a torch Those who carried it were sacred to Mars; they advanced at the head of armies, and in the interval betwixt them they dropt their torch, and retired without molestation. The armies engaged, and even if a whole army was des troyed, they spared the life of the torch-bearer, because he was sacred to Mars: thence came a proverb applicable to total defeats, "not even the torch-bearer has escaped." Herodotus is the first author where we meet with this expression, which afterwards became so familiar, that it passed into a proverb-Larcher. It is probable, that in the time of Homer, no signals for battle were in use, as we find no mention of any throughout his works; in both Iliad and Odyssey we find torches placed on the tops of the hills to give intelligence of certain events. Modern signals for battle are, by land, drums and trumpets; by sea they are more various, and are sometimes given by cannon, lights, sails, and colours. The Romans, in addition to the shout with which all nations have been described as commencing an engagment, violently clashed their arms together. Milton makes a happy use of this idea; He spake, and to confirm his words outflew tention to attack the Greeks on this day, nor till a signal should be given by the detachment with which they were to act in concert. Оп the departure of the former, an account was taken of the number of those which continued at Aphetæ. VIII. Whilst the Persians were thus employed, they happened to have with them Scyllias' of Scios, the most skilful diver of his time, who in the shipwreck off Pelion had preserved to the Persians an immense quantity of treasure, and at the same time considerably enriched himself. This man had long intended to desert to the Greeks, but he had never before had the opportunity; he on this day effected his purpose; it is uncertain in what manner, but if what is related of him be true, it is really astonishing. It is said, that having leaped into the sea at Aphetæ, he did not rise again till he came to Artemisium, having gone a space of eighty stadia through the water. Other things are related of this man, some of which appear to be fabulous, whilst others are actually true. For my own part, I am inclined to the opinion that he escaped to Artemisium 2 Scyllias.]-The name of this skilful diver is differently written. In an epigram of Apollonides it is Scyllos, in Pliny and Pausanias it is Scilles. Scyllias had taught his daughte: Cyane the art of diving; during the tempest, which surprised the Persians near mount Pelion, they plunged together under the water, and removed the anchors which held the vessels of Xerxes, which occasioned considerable injury. By order of the Amphictyons, statues were erected to the father and daughter in the temple of Apollo at Delphi-The statue of Cyane was among those which by the command of Nero were transported to Rome.-Larcher. Brydone, in his entertaining Tour through Sicily and Malta, informs us that the Sicilian authors make mention of one Colas, who, from his extraordinary skill in diving, was named Pesce, or the fish. It was said of him, that without coming at all to land, he would live for several days in the water; that he caught fish merely by his agility in the water, and that he could even walk across the straits at the bottom of the sea. One of their kings had the cruelty to propose his diving near the gulf of Charybdis, and to tempt him threw in a golden cup. In a third attempt to gain this, it is supposed he was caught by the whirlpool, for he appeared Do more.-T. |