their lordships, as it would be thought a reason for resisting any measure brought in by others, and prevent them from applying them selves to what was embraced in the inquiry. He had risen, feeling, from the position which he formerly occupied as to Ireland, that he ought to state the ground on which he stood, but he did not think the present occasion suitable to enter into the case of that country. He trusted that the result of the commission would be to rouse the attention of England to the wants of the Irish people. In the history of the world there was no one country in which ignorance was so great as that of England with regard to Ireland. There was no one who resided in that country who did not return with kindly feelings towards it. That ignorance was rendered more unfortunate when upon it were founded the unhappy distinctions which were the real source of the evils of Ireland. Whatever might have been the views taken in regard to the step of Roman Catholic emancipation, he hardly thought that any of their lordships would now think of retracing that step; and as it was now proposed to do strict justice to Ireland, he did hope that those who had hitherto opposed the Roman Catholic claims would join in removing any distinctions, political or religious, therein existing, and put the two countries on the same footing.

Lord Brougham expressed great satisfaction at conversing, for the first time in his experience, in nothing but congratulatory language. He did not remember an instance in which every quarter of the world had been so clear-no one part of the political horizon showed any obscurity. He alluded, in

somewhat cautious terms to the question of Irish affairs, and adverting to the commission which had been issued, he strongly deprecated interference between landlord and tenant as an invasion of the rights of property-the very corner-stone of society. Lord Brougham then expressed his warm satisfaction at the cordial good understanding between England and France. He would trouble their lordships with one or two observations which would tend, he hoped, to increase that good understanding. He would begin by expressing what all good men must feel who had watched the proceedings in France, his very great admiration for, and his honourable tribute of applause to, the able, honest, and virtuous French Minister of Foreign Affairs, and above all to his unshaken firmness. He had established claims to renown in science and literature, as well as in politics, and he appeared fated every year to add new titles to the respect and affection of his fellowmen, whether in France or England or the rest of the world. His unshaken determination of purpose had dispersed all those discordant elements of faction which bore some analogy to those in the French Convention of 1793 and 1794. He had dared his adversaries to attack him, and he found that all their attacks resolved themselves into this :-" Novum crimen, et ante hanc diem inauditum : Quintus Tubero detulit Quintum Ligarium in Africa fuisse." And he (Lord Brougham) might add that, with Tubero, "Habent, quod est accusatori maxime optandum— confitentem reum.” Such was the praise to which M. Guizot-his friend, as he was proud to call him, -was entitled. But if he (Lord

Brougham) were to go further, and inquire whether this great Minister was a very great friend to this country, and whether we as Englishmen had any peculiar reason to commend him, except as being fond of peace;-if he were called upon to say whether M. Guizot were (to use a common expression) in love with England, seized with what was called the Anglomania,he feared that he could not extend his panegyric so far. When it was said that this able Minister, firm of purpose, was determined to do his duty to the French people, he assented to the assertion; but when it was added, by those who knew it was not true, for factious purposes, that he was wedded to the interests of England, he demurred, and he might form a safe conjecture, without having had any communication with his noble friend opposite (the Earl of Aberdeen), that the noble earl had never been acquainted with any one Minister of France, or of any other country, whom he found more devoted to the interests of his own country. But what should he say of the enemies of M. Guizot, who were seeking to stir up a gallant, a proud, and excitable people like the French-or rather the people of Paris-by fanning every slumbering ember wherewith they could hope to keep alive the flame of hostility with England? That the people of France deeply felt, and would long feel, the closing events of the last war with us, in which they had no share of blame, but in which a conqueror and a tyrant had led them on almost to ruin, and under that man they had performed all but miracles ;that though satiated with glory beyond the measure of all modern examples, they still deeply felt the

events which terminated that war, in which they had suffered so much, and bled so profusely, and had triumphed so gloriously,-that they should be susceptible upon this point was but too natural,-it was but the weakness of human nature. But what was the duty of all honest men who pretended to be their leaders? What was the duty of such men who were not actuated by factious motives? To guide them towards a better state of things; to calm and soothe their susceptibility and irritation, and to teach them to cultivate kinder sentiments and to turn away from and abjure all exaggerated feelings of hostility. But what did their leaders do? None of these things, but the reverse. They stirred up those feelings; they irritated every sore place; they excited every ember of hosti lity, and irritated every anxious sentiment, stooping into the very mud and mire by having recourse to the grossest delusions ever practised, and not from a hatred of peace, not from a dislike towards England, not from contempt of the people they were duping by these base falsehoods, but from a hearty dislike to the gloomy shades of opposition in which they were pining (a laugh); and they sought not the glory of France, but to be transferred from these gloomy shades to the sunny eminences of power. That was the motive with which that despicable party of despicable agitators sought to disturb the relations between the two countries, and to break the peace of the world. But they did not know the people of France-a people of far too much sense and acuteness to be so duped; they were aware of the evils attending even victorious war, and they would

not be induced to seek for new laurels, but would rather exert themselves to secure the tranquillity of France and the external peace of the world. Lord Brougham concluded his speech by addressing a word of friendly remonstrance to those whom, from his old connexions, he might be allowed to call his clients in the United States, on the refusal of rich people to pay the debts due from them: and he declared that in doing so, he was far more influenced by a regard to the credit and character of that and other popular governments, than to the number of persons in this country, who had been ruined by their refusal (not inability) to discharge their just obligations. He related an anecdote, illustrating the shame which the conduct of the State of Pennsylvania had brought upon its community, and expressed his opinion, that ere long, the truth, that honesty was the best policy, would meet with acknowledgment on both sides of

the Atlantic.

The Marquess of Clanricarde took exception to the conduct of Government in Ireland: he learned that they had no measure for the benefit of the country, except one merely relating to political liberty, meant apparently as a claptrap, to delay the moment when they must look the distresses of Ireland in the face. He strongly censured the Landlord and Tenant Commission, which ought to be called one to inquire into fixity of tenure, and which had already produced bad affects, for persons who refused to answer the summons of this tribunal to give information were denounced, and the people were misled as to the objects of the inquiry. The necessary information might be collected from the Blue

Books.-Earl Fitzwilliam also objected to the inquiry on similar grounds.-The Earl of Devon protested that the two Peers had wrongly designated the Commission.

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Lord Campbell inquired after the Law Reforms which were announced last year, not pleted, but not re-announced this session, particularly the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, and the County Courts Bill. Perhaps this session would present the converse of the last, and in place of much promise and little performance, there would be little promise and much performance. He also concluded, after the termination of the Irish State Trials, that a bill would be introduced for the prevention of duelling.-The Lord Chancellor said, that a bill to reform the Ecclesiastical Courts and one to establish Courts for the recovery of small debts, would be the only measures of the kind introduced by Government this session.-Lord Cottenham intimated that in that case he should introduce his bill on the subject of the Local Courts.

The Address was then agreed to. It was moved in the House of Commons, by

Lord Clive, who began by congratulating the House on the favourable character of most of the topics in the Speech, especially on the friendly dispositions prevailing between the English and French Governments, which he thought were, in some measure, connected with Her Majesty's personal visit to Louis Philippe. He saw great cause for satisfaction, too, in the arrangements by which the commerce of China, closed as in all former time it had been, was now open to the world. He extolled the bravery by which our troops in India, native as well as Bri

tish, had achieved their great successes; and then passed on to the still more gratifying considerations derived from the improved condition of the manufacturing and commercial classes. Avoiding the questions raised by the State Trials in Ireland, he expressed an anxious hope that all parties in that country would, by all the information and assistance in their power, advance the object of the Commission for inquiring into the relations of landlord and tenant.

Mr. Cardwell, M.P. for Clithero, seconded the motion in an able and well-informed speech. He adverted with great satisfaction to the revival of domestic industry, and corroborated his assertion of the renewed prosperity of the country by facts and details with which his connexion with the northern districts had made him conversant." It would be found," he said, "that in all, or nearly all, the great branches of British manufacture, symptoms of returning health presented themselves, the same in character, different in degree, but fortunately often found in the highest degree, when from the importance of the article as a staple manufacture of the kingdom, their presence was the most satisfactory and the most encouraging. In regard to cotton we should find that the stimulus which commenced with the low prices of last year, had steadily maintained itself; that, notwithstanding some increase in the price of the raw material, and some (he believed) groundless alarm with regard to the prospects of the future crop, and a partial improvement in the rate of wages, the courage of the producer had been sustained; demand was brisk; stocks were low; and all the indications of a healthy

trade presented themselves." Mr. Cardwell read returns from different Poor Law Unions, showing a great diminution in the amount of pauperism. In the Union of Burnley the number of applications for relief had diminished from 12,600 in 1841, to 6,000 in 1843; the expenditure from 4,200l. to 2,8007., without including 10,000l. derived from the Manchester relief

fund. At Stockport the poor rates had diminished from 9s. in the pound, in 1841, to 4s. in 1843. Empty cottages from 1100 to 450. Mills were reopening and enlarging, and the balances of deposits in the savings' banks had increased from 53,9217. to 64,8967. The linen trade was likewise improved; the wool trade, and even the iron trade, which had suffered so protracted a depression, exhibited, in his opinion, unequivocal symptoms of revival. Again, the rapid, gradual, and progressive increase in the traffic of all the principal railways afforded the most decisive evidence that could be found of returning activity: the value of the stock in these undertakings had increased in the last three months not by thousands but by millions. The commercial circulars, also, showed an increasing commerce with all parts of the world. He adverted with peculiar satisfaction to the opening of our trade with China. praised the policy pursued by the Government at home with respect to the lately disturbed districts, and augured the best results from the course which had been pursued of tempering justice with clemency. He referred with congratulation to the provision which had been made, by means of the measure introduced in the last session, for supplying the spiritual

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destitution of districts in which the ministrations of the church had been formerly deficient; and then passing to the question of education, he observed, "that if upon another and a kindred subject, their deliberations appeared to be less fortunate, and they seemed to arrive at no practical result, he believed that the earnest anxiety evinced by Parliament to grapple with the subject of education, and the candour manifested on both sides in dealing with its difficulties, had produced a corresponding energy, he trusted also à corresponding candour, out of doors that vigorous exertions had been made in different quarters-that if unhappily we could not make an united, at least we had made a simultaneous, effort against the common enemies, ignorance and vice; and he trusted it might result in a general system of education, possessing that qualification without which, he was persuaded, in a mixed government like ours, no system of education could work well-he meant, the general concurrence of moderate and reflect ing men." Mr. Cardwell concluded, by entering into some general anticipations of increased prosperity to the country, founded upon those characteristic qualities of the national mind, by which, under the protection of the British Constitution, the triumphs of our past history had been achieved. Deprecating on the one hand any needless interference with the free career of commercial enterprise, on the other hand he protested in the name of those concerned in such undertakings against crude and precipitate legislation. Above all, he expressed, on their part, the strongest anxiety to carry with them in their ambitious designs

the sympathetic interest of every class of the community. "Temporary jealousies would occasionally arise, and might result in quickened emulation and increased improvement; but no one knew better than the prudent trader that from the time, if unhappily it ever should arrive, when settled distrust took the place of mutual confidence and co-operation between the different interests into which this country was divided, from that inauspicious hour must date the decline of her commercial greatness, and the decay of her domestic strength. Commerce had its hereditary associations,-its titles by descent, its ever growing connexion with the soil by the substantial ties of property. Such men would not sacrifice their well-grounded prospects of perpetuity for the lure of a temporary gain."

Mr. Hume, while he admitted that some of the circumstances noticed by Her Majesty were matter of satisfaction, objected to the prac tice of voting the Address upon the Speech from the throne without a day's interval for previous consideration of it. With the prospect of peace he was especially pleased, and, above all, peace be tween England and France, whose mutual friendship appeared to him of the utmost importance for both. He availed himself of the paragraph in the Speech respecting the treaty with China, to enforce the expediency of free trade in general. He reserved himself on the subject of the war in India; but protested against being supposed to be satisfied with what was said about economy, which he regarded as the most important of the duties of Parliament. He acknowledged that there had been an improve