meaning and purport, which obviously direct the views and motives of the generality of mankind in acting upon them. The phrase Protestant ascendancy is er vi termini open to an indefinite variety of interpretation. For the last fifteen years and upwards it has received a specific and appropriate import, in the acceptation of which every part of the nation has acquiesced. From the acts themselves, not from the explanations, palliatives or justifications of the actors is the judgment to be formed. From the time that Ireland acquired legislative independence in 1782, it ceased to be the language of the Castle, that the English interest or ascendancy was to be kept up. The power was to be supported, Instead of but the term was to be altered. English, the more imposing word Protestant was annexed to that ascendancy, which was actually kept on foot. When Mr. Pitt had contrived to dash from the lips of the nation the cup of promised and expected freedom, by betraying and deceiving the virtuous Fitzwilliam with the intrigues of Mr. Beresford, he set up the golden image of Protestant ascendancy, and * "sent to "gather together the princes and governors, the

captains, the judges, the treasurers, the coun"sellors, the sheriffs, and all the rulers of the pro"vinces, to come to the dedication of the image, "which Nebuchadnezzar the King had set up.' " And

* Dan. iii. 2.

99

And they fell down and worshipped the golden image." However the phrase may from that hour have been understood by individuals, it was exclusively acted upon in the sense of direct opposition to Catholic concession. This appears evident from the address of the Grand Lodge to the Orangemen of Ireland, on the 21st of January 1800, precisely ten days after they had made their resolution to support the Protestant ascendancy (in this particular sense) the basis of their obligation, the link of their secrecy and the measure of their allegiance. In the minds of upright and unsuspecting Protestants, the support of the Protestant ascendancy would mean no more than to support the limitation of the Crown under the act of Settlement; which is expressed in the most pointed manner in the oath of allegiance taken by Catholics, as well as by Protestants. In the affectation of this ordinary and obvious sense of loyalty do these renovated and reformed Orangemen hold themselves out to the nation as being associated to support and defend his majesty King George, the constitution and laws of the country, and succession to the throne in his Majesty's illustrious house, being Protestants. To do this most Catholics had sworn, and every one was ready to swear, nearly in the words of this Orange declaration. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that whenever specific duties and senti

ments

ments are introduced into oaths, they are expressed in the most obvious, precise and unambiguous words. Who would not expect from men voluntarily and solemnly laying before their countrymen the object of their associating in so awful a juncture, that their obligation and oath should be commensurate with, and conducive to the ends of their association. How do they tally? No Catholic would refuse to submit or swear to the substance of that declaration. Most of them have actually done so. But the obligation of an Orangeman runs in these words: I, A. B. do solemnly and sincerely swear, of my own free will and accord, that I will to the utmost of my power support and defend the present King George the Third, his heirs and successors, as long as he and they support the Protestant ascendancy, &c.* Here is an absolute declaration redundantly vaunting sworn and known duties, of which no man can doubt, and which no man refuses. There is a conditional oath to support what no ten men may define alike, and stinting the allegiance of the subject to his own arbitrary construction of the term Protestant ascendancy. In the common acceptation of words, what man of sense would, what man of loyalty could subscribe such oath and obligation?

Rules and regulations postea..

The

Efforts to

the Union.

The whole of the year 1799 was consumed forward by Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis in preparing, canvassing and courting for the Union. In and out of parliament, addresses, petitions, motions and proposals were made to forward and ensure that measure. No means were omitted, which were calculated to advance it from any quarter. Personal applications were made by the Lord Lieutenant in a viceregal tour through the kingdom to such members of parliament and persons of influence in the country, as he thought open. The amiable qualities and delusive pledges of the viceroy gained him more proselytes, than he had anticipated. To the Catholics he held out emancipation as the sure boon of their support. They trusted him, and he failed. To the Orangemen he pledged amnesty and favour. They mistrusted him, and were preserved for future services. Even then was it doomed by Mr. Pitt,* that the ques

tion,

Conscious, that some staunch friends to Ireland give Mr. Pitt credit for sincerity in all his declarations (and pledges about her, and his real earnestness and inability to carry the question of emancipation, it becomes a painful duty to submit to the reader the grounds for differing from that opinion. Against Mr. Pitt's actual resignation of office on that alleged ground, must be placed his return to office under a counter pledge, to hold back and resist the question; as he notoriously did, when brought forward by his colleague Lord

1

tion of Catholic emancipation was to be brought forward and crushed by the Protestant ascen

He

Lord Grenville. Mr. Pitt had long felt himself absolute master of the Protestant ascendancy. In 1792 he received an holocaust to its omnipotence, when not a member of the Commmons dared to stand up in his place to support the Catholic petition. But few months passed away, and the golden object of adoration was cast prostrate at the feet of that very Parliament, which now had it in command from the British minister, to grant the whole of what he had just forbidden them to listen to. Mr. Pitt might then have as easily carried the complete emancipation, as that portion of it, which was actually conceded. He held back enough to keep the Protestant ascendancy and the Catholics in his dependance. had further views: and all was to be subservient to the Union. Had he not raised the Catholics into some political consequence by the act of 1793, their support of it would. have been worthless. But his concession of so much commanded the unreserved support of those, who trusted in his promises and pledges, that the whole should follow. The next year Mr. Pitt was made sensible, that Catholic influence became national strength: he foresaw in the growth of internal concord the inevitable defeat of his favourite plan of external union. He was incensed at the loss of the aquilibrium, which he fancied he had secured: so rapid had been the descent of the Protestant ascendancy, since national harmony had begun to displace religious discord. The Catholic. influence was to be lowered by fresh triumphs of the Protestant ascendancy. The Catholics were to be raised to the summit of expectation, in order to be let down with violence, and weakened to impotency by the fall. The Protestant ascendancy was to be taken up from its late prostration by a renewed commission to divide, irritate and degrade. Legislative