Confucianism teaches that the essence of religion consists in proper interpersonal relationships; the highest development of the individual as also the peace and prosperity of society are dependent upon moral character. For Confucianists, religion consists not in theorizing, even about the Supreme Being, not in inducing or feeling some peculiar mystical emotion about the safety of your soul or one's relation to the invisible, not even in so-called religious performances which are largely ceremonial. For the Confucianists religion consists in constructive, positive proper attitudes and activities towards other human persons. Surely it has been a mighty asset to China, that the chief religion of the country has taught this moral emphasis in life. Following a suggestion (duly acknowledged as from one of China's most intelligent friends and interpreters viz., W. A. P. Martin, "The Lore of Cathay," p. 226), a political historian, author of numerous textbooks on general history, has made a comparison which is most acute, and in which we would heartily agree, save only for adding "Jesus Christ especially."

"With the exception of the leaders of the ancient Hebrews, the leaders of thought of no people have so insistently interpreted life and history in terms of ethics, as have the sages of the Chinese race. And, excepting the Hebrew teachers, no moralists have so emphasized duties, while leaving rights-upon which the Western world in modern times has laid stress-to take care of themselves."

P. V. Myers, formerly Professor of History and Political Economy in the University of Cincinnati, author of "A History of Rome," "A History of Greece," "Ancient History," "Mediaeval and Modern History," "A General History," etc., etc., in his History as Past Ethics, An Introduction to the History of Morals, p. 53.

2. Its Confidence in a General Moral Supervision of the World. Prior to Confucius, there were two main designations. in the Chinese language used for the Supreme Being, viz. the more personal designation, "Shang Ti," meaning Supreme Being (Ti being the very same word which was in use for designating an earthly official Ruler), and "Ti'en," meaning a more impersonal Heaven. The former occurs at least 46 times in the Shu Ching, or "Book of History," and the latter at least 134

times (according to the exhaustive Index in Legge's Chinese Classics, Text, Translation, and Notes). In the Shi Ching, or "Book of Poetry," Shang Ti occurs at least 37 times, and Tien at least 133 times. The relative frequency statistically of the two conceptions is markedly different in the mouth of Confucius himself; in the Lun Yu, whereas there are at least thirteen occurrences of the word Ti'en, Heaven, there is only one occurrence of the word Shang Ti, Supreme Ruler, viz., Analects 20.1.3; and there it is not an original utterance of Confucius, but a quotation from the ancient scripture, Shu Ching. Furthermore, Confucius introduced a still more impersonal conception of the supreme controlling Power of the world, which is almost fatalistic, viz. "Ming," meaning "Decree," which is notably close etymologically to the conception of Fate (which English word is derived from the Latin, fa-tum, meaning "said," announced, decreed, determined). Accordingly, Confucius did tend to impersonalize (or, depersonalize) the nature of the Supreme Being.

"Both in his larger edition of the Chinese Classics with Text and Notes and also in his smaller edition, which contains the Translation alone, Legge in the "Index to the Subjects in the Analects" cites only three occurrences of the word Ti'en, Heaven; but in the reading of the Analects themselves I have found at least thirteen occurrences, viz. 2.4; 3.13; 3.24; 7.22; 8.19; 9.5.3; 9.11.2; 11.8; 12.5; 14.37; 16.8; 17.19; 20.3.

Legge's shorter edition of the Chinese Classics, Translation alone, vol. 1, p. 109, gives no hint whatsoever to the source of the quotations. And Soothill, in his The Analects of Confucius, p. 920, gives a reference which is unintelligible to the English reader, viz. to the Shu Ching 4.3.4, 8; but that is the reference to the system of numeration in Legge's text and translation, whereas the reference in the Shu Ching as translated in the Sacred Books of the East is to 4.3.2, 3 (S. B. E. vol. 3, pp. 90-91). There are at least three occurrences of "Ming" in the Analects (not discoverable through the Inder in Legge's Translation, viz. at 2.4.4; 14.38.2; 20.3.1.)

Nevertheless, Confucius himself did emphasize the moral supervision of the world. And it was not merely a teaching of his, but an actual experience. We remember how Jesus was in

danger of his life at the hands of the people of the village of Nazareth (Luke 4.29-30):

"And they rose up, and cast him forth out of the city, and led him unto the brow of the hill whereon their city was built, that they might throw him down headlong. But he, passing through the midst of t hem, went his way."

Certainly the experience of Confucius, when he was in imminent danger of assassination by an angry crowd, evidences no less consciousness of the morally governing Power of the world which had helped him, like Jesus at Nazareth, to experience a marvelous escape in order that he might continue with a Heavensent mission (Analects 15.1-3):

"The Master was put in fear in K'wang. He said: 'After the death of King Wan, was not the cause of truth lodged in me? If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me'?"

cause.

Nowhere among the Sacred Scriptures of the various religions of the world can there be found a more vigorous and concrete affirmation of the invincibility and the efficacy of moral virtue than in the statement of Confucius in Analects 15.34:

"The Master said: 'Virtue is more to me than either water or fire. I have seen men die from treading on water and fire, but I have never seen a man die from treading the course of virtue'."

Accordingly, although Confucius did tend to de-personalize the inherited conception concerning the Supreme Being, which previously contained considerable of the theistic element, and although Confucius did not put each human being into personal relation with a personal Supreme Being, nevertheless we should not fail to appreciate that Confucius did not, either in his teachings or in his own personal experience, fail to emphasize confidence in a general moral supervision of the world.

3. Its Confidence in the Fundamental Goodness of Human Nature. Confucius lived in a period of great social unrest. Whether or not we agree with the encomiums which Mencius lavishes upon Confucius ("From the birth of mankind till now there has never been one so complete as Confucius" Mencius 2.1.2.28; or again, "In Confucius we have what is called a complete concert"

Mencius 5.2.1.6), nevertheless we can hardly dispute the accuracy of Mencius' report concerning the historical situation existing which prompted him to undertake his general reform work and particularly to write his "Ch'un Ch'iu:"

"Again the world fell into decay, and principles faded away. Perverse speakings and oppressive deeds waxed rife again. There were instances of ministers who murdered their sovereigns, and of sons who murdered their fathers. Confusius was afraid, and made the 'Spring and Autumn.'" (Mencius 3.2.9.7-8)

Furthermore, Confucius himself fell a prey to unscrupulousness and corruption, even after he had demonstrated the efficacy of his principles in his various public government positions in the State of Lu.

Nevertheless, Confucius did not allow his own soul to fall a prey to pessimism or cynicism. Indeed, he maintained a wonderful confidence that mankind is not essentially bad, and that men will surely show their inherent (we might properly use the word, divine) goodness, if only they have proper government, education and example.

"The Master said, 'Man is born for uprightness.'" (Analects 6.17) Mencius expounded and emphasized this optimism even more than did Confucius:

"Mencius discoursed how the nature of man is good." (Mencius 3.1.1.2) 'Mencius replied: 'Water indeed will flow indifferently to the east or to the west; but will it flow indifferently up or down? The tendency of man's nature to good is like the tendency of water to flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good, just as all water flows downwards." (Mencius 6.1.2.2)

"The first little primer put into the hands of a Chinese boy after he learns a few hundred 'square characters' is the 'Three Character (Trimetrical) Classic,' which begins 'Man's nature is orignally good.''

H. C. DuBose, The Dragon, Image and Demon, or The Three Religions of China, p. 44. The quotation is given very frequently in books on China, e.g. S. W. Williams, The Middle Kingdom, vol. 1, pp. 526-527; W. A. P. Martin, The Lore of Cathay, p. 217; A. H. Smith, Proverbs and Common Sayings

from the Chinese, p. 40 of revised edition; Wieger, Moral Tenets and Customs in China, p. 222.

Whatever may be said by moralists or by sociologists concerning the value of such ideals in China, surely every religionist, whether he be a Christian or a Confucianist or any other kind of a religionist, will appreciate the immense religious value of the Confucian confidence in the fundamental goodness of human

nature.

4. Its Emphasis on the Value of the Family. Ancestorworship would seem to be a crude method of maintaining a loyal family spirit. And the specific Confucian interpretation of Filial Piety includes certain concessions to a person's own blood-kin which appear unworthy, yea verily destructive of truth and justice.

"The Duke of She informed Confucius, saying: 'Among us. here there are those who may be styled upright in their conduct. If their father have stolen a sheep, they will bear witness to the fact.' Confucius said, 'Among us, in our part of the country, those who are upright are different from this. The father conceals the misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the father. Uprightness is to be found in this.' " (Analects 13.18.1-2.)

Mencius goes further than does Confucius in emphasizing the duty of a son to conceal the misconduct of his father, even going to the extent of declaring that the great model Emperor Shun would have renounced his throne and passed into retirement for the remainder of his life in order to shield his father from punishment for the crime of murder. The passage from Mencius has not been quoted by any one within the knowledge of the present writer except by W. A. P. Martin in the Second Series of Hanlin Papers: Essays on the History Philosophy and Religion of the Chinese, pp. 201-202 (and there the reference is not given), where the greatest expositor of Confucianism solves the concrete hypothetical problem of the chief Minister of Justice and the Emperor himself dealing with the iatter's father, if he had committed murder.

"T'aou Ying asked, saying: 'Shun being emperor, and Kaouyaou chief minister of justice, if Koo-sow [i. e. the father of