THE REASONER

No. 5.-NEW SERIES.] EDITED BY G. J. HOLYOAKE.

METHODISM IN THE

[PRICE 2d.

THE PROVINCES.

TRAVELLING the last two weeks through Warwickshire and Staffordshire, and observing the gross and external signs of the sanitary condition of the people, I saw with regret the coexistence of much political intelligence and moral virtue with what may be termed physical depravity. Personal health depends on so many hidden causes, and sanitary habits are marked by such various acts, that a passer by, or occasional visitant, can only notice the outward and visible signs' of 'inward' ignorance. We know what to think of a man who 'puts an enemy into his mouth to steal away his brains,' and when we see people tolerate nuisances around and within their dwellings which emit poison which strikes them like an assassin, we feel that the mere organs of sense must be depraved, or they would forewarn their owners of the danger. The wonder is not so much that people fall by Cholera, the wonder is how so many escape it, who seem to invoke it. Persons with pride enough to keep up appearances, seek for the respect of others while having no respect for themselves. I found persons sensible enough to be active in demanding political reforms, yet enduring serious evils of a physical nature, quite easy of removal, and which any man of common intelligence could compel the removal of in a few hours. It was plain to me that there are a great number of people whom no amount of political emancipation would do much to elevate: there is so much to be done by people themselves— which must be done by themselves-which nobody can do for themwhich is essential to ordinary betterance of condition, and which they seem to have no idea of, or no taste for doing.

The cause of this blindness and apathy I found, in many cases, traceable to peculiar religious teaching. Some thought with Dr. Wattsthat 'diseases are the servants of the Lord,' and not under human control. Some believed that as this life is but a transition to a better, it is not worth while to bestow much trouble on this. Religious missionaries visit the houses of the poor, and deposit a Bible by the side of a Cesspool, and leave an injunction about the dogma, but are silent about the drain.

In the Hollyhall and Dudley neighbourhood piety prevails like an epidemic. Its gloomy brand is on every face. Methodism reigns there, and nothing but Methodism-that is, scarcely any other species of intelligence. The little store of books in each house I examined was composed of the most miserable trash. Great in evangelism, little in usefulness.

[No. 166, Vol. VII.]

In one of the sad houses I found Valentine Ward's volume, entitled 'What are these Methodists?'*- and though public opinion has refined and rationalised Methodism, and changed its tone and practices in our large towns, in country places it is still understood and enforced in its primitive barbarism. A few extracts, which I quote in the order in which I made them, will illustrate the kind of impressions the devout follower of Wesley must receive.

One instruction is, that 'Those teachers who receive Dancing-Masters in their schools, and those parents who employ Dancing-Masters for their children, shall no longer be members of the Methodist society.' (p. 68.) There was no idea of refining amusement. It must be abolished. Holiness under such regulations must be synonymous with dulness.

Preachers are commanded to put a stop' to persons marrying with 'unbelievers and unawakened persons.' (p. 69.) Thus the priest sits in judgment over the affections. If two young men are candidates for a young lady's hand, the priest is bound to give the preference to the uglier if the uglier happens to be a believer. This accounts for the strange-faced couples found in some Methodist houses.

It is ordered that no Methodist shall speak lightly or irreverently of the government under which he lives.' (p. 69.) By thus making political freedom subservient to religious security, the Methodist is lost to political reform. The body has prided itself on being known to the government by its usefulness in preventing the spread of Jacobinical principles.' (p. 36.)

Another instruction, which explains the prevalence of profound ignorance with profound piety, runs thus-'We advise all our friends steadily to discountenance the plan of teaching the art of writing on the Lord's Day, to the Children of Sunday Schools, as one which has an injurious effect, both on Teachers and Scholars; occupies a considerable portion of the Lord's day that might be more profitably employed in catechetical and other religious instruction; and, being wholly secular in its direct object and tendency, is, in our judgment, an unjustifiable infringement of the sanctity of the Sabbath. (N. B. [says Mr. Ward]this Minute was passed by a unanimous vote of the Conference.') In spite of their Tory tendencies they seemed to have as low an estimate of the dignity of learning as Jack Cade himself. And the spirit of Conservatism was never more artfully tempered with the prejudice of piety. 'Do not mend our rules,' said John Wesley, but keep them, and that for conscience sake.' To have said 'Mend them if you can, but keep them whether you can improve them or not,' would have combined progress with obedience.

The book from which I have quoted contains a few maxims which I quote for their very excellence. The experience the world has had of Methodism, abundantly proves how inoperative these maxims have been in modifying the Methodist character: but they do Wesley's judgment

infinite credit:

To be at a word both in buying and selling.

* Leeds, 1825.

'Not to mention the fault of any behind his back, and to stop those short that do.' (p. 74.)

These are among the directions to Band Societies (p. 74.) given in 1744. The Preachers, in some respects, were also wisely advised in these words:

'Believe evil of no one, unless fully proved; take heed how you credit it. Put the best construction you can on everything. You know the judge is always supposed to be on the prisoner's side.' (p. 80.)

'Speak evil of no one else your word especially would eat as doth a canker: keep your thoughts within your own breast, till you come to the person concerned.' (p. 80.)

I should extend this article but from desire to insert the able address of the Newspaper Stamp Committee, to which I drew attention at John Street, on Sunday evening. Of all the political reforms of the present day, there is none which has so many attractions for the friends of progress as that of the entire Abolition of the Taxes on Knowledge.

G. J. HOLYOAKE.

THE NEWSPAPER STAMP ABOLITION COMMITTEE

TO THE

PARLIAMENTARY AND FINANCIAL REFORMERS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

Ar a time when Reformers are endeavouring patiently but earnestly to feel their way towards a union which shall effectively put down the complicated evils entailed on this country by unequal taxation and imperfect representation, we think we shall not be out of season in reminding you that among our imposts there is one which is kept up, not so much for what it yields to the revenue as for its efficiency in keeping the people in political darkness. The stamp duty on newspapers strikes at the root of that cordial understanding so desirable between the middle and working classes, by making all fair and candid discussion of the differences between them utterly impossible. We call on you, therefore, for your earnest cooperation in the removal of this impost, as the first step towards that union which alone can secure the interests of the people at large.

The first stamp on newspapers was imposed on the 1st of August, 1712; and though it amounted only to one halfpenny, it nearly destroyed Steele's celebrated Spectator. During the reign of George III. it was increased to upwards of threepence. After the passing of the Reform Act the demand for cheap newspapers became so great, that unstamped and illegal publications abounded. The Government of Lord Melbourne, finding it impossible to suppress them by fines and imprisonment, reduced the duty to one penny in 1836, and since then no attempt has been made to abolish it. It seems strange that a government which makes an annual grant for education should continue a law which forbids the people to educate themselves, yet such is the fact. Every person who publishes a newspaper has to pay for each copy issued, a tax, in Great Britain of one penny, in Ireland of three-farthings. Supposing such newspapers could be sold without tax for a penny, this duty amounts to 100 per cent., while it is only 25 per cent. on a newspaper worth fourpence. But the mischief does not end here: by doubling the price, the number of purchasers is reduced n

than one half; a third penny is put on to make up the consequent loss, and thus the class of readers is altogether changed. Not only is the purchaser of the threepenny paper taxed in a higher proportion than the purchaser of a dearer paper, but the man who can only afford a penny or twopence is prohibited from buying a paper at all. It has been said that the poor really pay no taxes, but it cannot be denied that in this, as in other cases, they may be deeply injured by taxes to which they never contribute a single farthing.

The arguments used in favour of the tax may be reduced to three :1st. That it is wanted for the sake of revenue.

2nd. That a cheap press must be a licentious one.

3rd. That the penny stamp is merely a tax on London for the purpose of spreading knowledge through the country.

From a return made to the House of Commons, March 23, 1849, on the motion of Mr. Brotherton, we find that the gross revenue derived from this source amounted, in the year 1848, to £360,273 13s. 7d. Mr. Rowland Hill, in 1847, before a Select Committee of the House of Lords, calculated the number of newspapers sent post-free in one year at 68,000,000 -and the expense of their transmission at £374,376-being a little more than five-farthings for each paper.

Of course a great part of this expense is incurred for the sake of the letters; but when from the sum of £360,273 13s. 7d. we deduct the expense specially incurred for the transmission of 68,000,000 newspapers, added to that of the stamp office, it will appear that the net amount cannot be of great importance. If, indeed, the public were to make a full use of their postal privilege, it seems probable that the Government would suffer a loss, and that for the sake of the revenue they might abolish the tax. It may, perhaps, become necessary to concede that the transmission of newspapers by the post should be made self-supporting, and that a charge should be made varying according to weight. The expense of sending large packets of newspapers by rail is very different on dif ferent lines. They are thus sent to Liverpool at the rate of one-third of a farthing each: a fact which seems to show that the chief postal expense is that of sorting and distributing, and that, in the case of large towns, the post-office is not the best medium for the transmission of newspapers.

To the second objection-viz., 'that a cheap press must be a licentions one'-we reply that there is no evidence that cheap literature is more licentious than dear literature. We could easily point out penny publications of the highest character and dear ones of the lowest. But the plea is insincere. No amount of licentiousness is interfered with by the Government, unless it be political. To publish obscene tales is a safe occupation: to publish a record of political events with comments is illegal. The poor, who have nothing to do with the laws but to obey them, are not to be taught what the laws are which they have to obey. Society loudly declares that it cannot guarantee them a right to live by their labour; but it refuses to allow them to obtain that knowledge which, in the complicated state of civilised society, can alone guide them to a life of successful independence. If, in their ignorance and helplessness, they resist the law, a prison is their doom; and if any benevolent man devote his capital, his intelligence,