ment to restrain writing letters on the Sabbath. But the plea is a bad one, and the only wonder is that it was ever put forward; yet it is a step, as exhibiting the moral feeling of the government, much to be deplored.'

And George Hitchcock, Esq., expressed himself to the following effect-With reference to scientific pursuits and intellectual attainments, much had been said, nor did he wish to deprecate any such important studies; but he certainly deprecated science, falsely so called. They should be zealous, but zealous in a good cause. As an illustration of his idea he would mention, that the Prince Canino had been occupying his time in examining and lecturing upon the subject of the difference between the magpie of Siberia and the magpie of Spain. (Laughter.) He mentioned this for the purpose of showing the great comparison that might be drawn between the high pursuits of the young men of this Association, and the very inferior employment of that prince. His object was not a right one, and his time was literally wasted. (Hear, hear.) Again, there were lusts of the mind as well as lusts of the flesh -and whether of the flesh or of the mind, all culture and all intellectual attainments should be conducted in entire subordination to the glory of God. (Cheers).'

What is there in either of these extracts to call for a cheer or to raise a laugh? Yet we see that the young men' cheered and laughed. The committee seek to elevate religion above, and at the expense of science, and Mr. Hitchcock did the same, in a very foolish and unjust fashion; and the chairman laboured to engender a prejudice against the government for one of the most unexceptional and praiseworthy actions they have performed since they have been in office.

These parties may depend upon it that the tendency of such conduct will be the direct opposite of that which they expect. The simple may be thus caught; but the strong-minded will be disgusted. SENTINEL.

NEWSPAPER STAMP ABOLITION COMMITTEE.

THIS Committee was formed March 7th, 1849.

Its object is to obtain the exemption of the press from all taxation, and its emancipation from all control except that of a court of law.

It will endeavour to effect the repeal of all taxes on knowledge, and particularly that of the penny stamp, by collecting and distributing information on the subject, and by influencing all organised bodies of reformers to petition the House of Commons in favour of the freedom of the press. The taxes on knowledge consist of

The duty on foreign books, which, in the year 1848,
produced.

The duty on paper

The duty on advertisements

The penny stamp on newspapers

£. 8. d.

7.647 13 7 745,795 9

153.016 19 0

360,273 13 7

£1,266,733 15 6

English books pirated abroad are prohibited in the British dominions, and justly so. The Committee fully admit the principle of copyright: they desire to free the press from the claims of fiscal exaction, not from those of moral obligation.

From the last item must be deducted the expense of transmitting by post 68,000,000 newspapers, as well as the cost of the manufacture of the stamps. Taking the net proceeds at £150,000, the whole amount of the taxes on knowledge is £1,056,460 1s. 11d.

In addition to these burdens, the proprietor of a newspaper is bound to give security to pay any damages that may be awarded against him in case of libel-a system which seems to infer that to publish a newspaper is of itself evidence of an intention to break the law.

The Committee issued their first address on the 20th of June last: since then they have been cheered by much sympathy. Mr. Mowatt, M.P. for Falmouth, has promised to bring the subject before Parliament in the ensuing session: the aid of the little band of reformers clustered round Mr. Hume may be confidently expected. The following Members of Parliament have already expressed their hearty approbation of the cause, viz., Messrs. Bright, Cobden, W. J. Fox, Gibson, Hume, C. Lushington, Mowatt, Scholefield, and G. Thompson. The following newspapers have given their support to the Committee-Athenæum, Daily News, Nonconformist, Weekly Dispatch, Weekly Tribune, Aberdeen Banner, Birmingham Mercury, Cheltenham Free Press, Coventry Herald, Dublin Commercial Journal, and Galway Mercury. The Newcastle Guardian and the Weekly News also advocate the same object.

An Anti-Knowledge Tax Association is in active operation at Birmingham, and others are in course of formation at Manchester, Liverpool, Coventry, and Exeter.

In attempting to carry their object by argument, the Committee. address themselves to the People, among whom a body has arisen capable of responding to such an appeal. But it would be folly to go before Parliament with no other support than that of a good cause. The Committee therefore entreat that all parties interested, whether morally or pecuniarily, in the spread of information will besiege the House of Commons with petitions, in order that the government may be called on, again and again, to explain why they fear to set knowledge free. From every paper mill, printing office, booksellers' or bookbinders' society, Mechanics' Institution, school, religious or political association, town. council, and parish vestry, a petition should arise, to demand that the press should no longer be taxed.

In every town, where two or three enemies of ignorance are banded together, a Free Knowledge Association should be formed, to superintend the presentation of petitions from the locality. These should be sent to such Members of Parliament as possess the confidence of the petitioners; or, failing this, to the Committee in London. Contributions to Defray the expenses of the agitation are earnestly requested. If every one interested would contribute one shilling's worth of postage stamps there would be no lack of funds. If these means are extensively employed, success may be delayed but must ultimately be obtained.

Subscriptions received at 4, Beaufort Buildings. All communications to be addressed to 15, Essex Street.

October 10, 1849.

By order of the Committee,

J. D. COLLET, Sec.

WHAT ARE THE LIMITS OF ACCUMULATION?

DEAR SIR,-In No. 18 of the Reasoner Mr. Linton says, in his letter to you, 'Private property, I hold that to be good-so good that I wish every one to possess it. My quarrel is not that there is too much of it, but that there is too little-that it is not enjoyed by all. It is only the undue accumulation of private property, perverted by wicked laws into legalised robbery, that I would denounce, and those of the Communists who would abolish private property altogether, are, to my thinking,

reactionists.'

Pray can you tell me what he means by the undue accumulation of private property?

Let me suppose a case; a young man just out of his apprenticeship starts in life as a journeyman, without a shilling; by great economy, say in five years, he saves £100; with this sum he commences business in a small way; by continued economy and industry he finds, at the end of the second year, his capital has increased to £200-thus enabling him to extend his trade. He finds at the end of the third year he can command £400; now he can go to a better market for his raw material. By keeping his eyes open he watches the state of the markets, and occasionally finds out a needy seller who will make a sacrifice for cash, and to sustain his credit will sell for less than prime cost (all fair, mind you, in competition); and Mr. L. will not charge this dealing with immorality -the careful and industrious man is surely not accountable for the spendthrift. Thus, at the end of some half-score years, he finds his capital accumulates to several thousand pounds. Now he takes larger premises-employs more hands-imports his raw material from abroad, and in the course of a few more years he buys one or two ships, and thus adds the profits of shipowner to his other gains. And this is nearly the history of all our great capitalists who have risen from obscurity. And as society is at present constituted, what laws can be made to prevent such men from amassing wealth and using it as they please-underselling the small manufacturer, and often bringing him to bankruptcy? Where shall we look for a remedy for such evils? Alas! not in the competitive state. In the language of Scripture-the whole head is sick, the heart faint, and there is no soundness in it. And many years' experience in competitive warfare induces me to believe that there is no other system under heaven whereby mankind can be saved but the co-operative system, as promulgated to the world by Robert Owen-in community only can the greatest amount of happiness be produced, of which man's nature is capable of enjoying. JOHN HUNTER.

LETTERS TO YOUNG WORKING MEN.

MR. THOMAS COOPER has just published, through Mr. Watson, 'Eight Letters to the Young Men of the Working Classes,' collected from the Plain Speaker. They constitute decidedly the best articles which appeared in that publication. We presume few young men of the working classes can read these earnest hortatives without being stimulated to improvement, and directed on the way.

ITALIAN REFUGEES: MALTA-CORRESPONDENCE.

MR. HUME TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

7, Bryanstone Square, Aug. 31, 1849.

MY LORD,-As Chairman, for the time being, of a Committee of Members of Parliament and other gentlemen, which has been formed in aid of the Italian (Roman) refugees in this country, I am desired, in their name, to address your Lordship, as the head of Her Majesty's Government, with respect to the recent conduct of the Governor of Malta in refusing an asylum to the refugees from Rome.

The broad facts of the case, as brought to the attention of the Government and the House of Commons on the closing day of the late session of Parliament, (facts which have been corroborated and developed in greater detail by subsequent information) are more than sufficient warrant to address your Lordship, without reference to any individual cases.

The Governor of Malta has thought fit to refuse a landing at Malta to political refugees from the Roman States, who took ship for that island, relying with confidence on passports viséd by the English Consul at Civita Vecchia or at Rome.

Had there been reasonable cause to apprehend any misconduct on the part of these unarmed refugees, the garrison of Malta was surely a place where sufficient security could have been taken against such a contingency; whilst, in considering the probabilities of so unworthy a return for the hospitality they claimed, it should not have been forgotten by a British citizen so high in office as the Governor of Malta, that the unfor tunate wanderers were of the number of those defenders of the city of Rome who had won the respect of the civilised world by an observance of law and order and of constitutional government within its walls, as remarkable as the valour and humanity they displayed in its defence.

Amidst all the diversities of opinion, in this and in former times, concerning the foreign policy of our country, there is one rule of conduct which has been invariably observed, and has met with universal and heartfelt assent, namely that of extending a generous and fearless hospitality to political exiles of every class, from every country, and in every cause. It is a bitter mortification to find that rule of conduct in the pre sent instance disregarded, and the character of this country for hospitality needlessly sullied, by an officer bearing Her Majesty's commission, and in command of one of the strongest garrisons of the British empire.

The Committee ventures to express a confident hope that Her Majesty's Government, if it have not already done so, will visit with marked disapprobation this discreditable act of its representative in Malta, so as to manifest to the world that the British Government in no way countenances conduct which is as foreign to our national cha racter as it is disgraceful to the British name.

I am, &c.,

JOSEPH HUME.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL TO MR. HUME.

Balmoral, Sept. 5, 1849.

SIR,-I have had the honour of receiving your letter of the 31st of August, written in your capacity of Chairman of a Committee of Members of Parliament and others, which has been formed in aid of the Italian (Roman) refugees in this country, complaining of the conduct of the Governor of Malta.

Lord Grey has sent me all the papers which have reference to the conduct of Mr. More O'Ferral, Governor of Malta, to the Italians who sought refuge,

It has been our practice, as you truly observe, to extend a generous and fearless hospitality to political exiles of every class, from every country, and in every cause.' You may remember that, on the occasion of the French Revolution of February 1848, when you asked me a question in the House of Commons, I adverted to this honourable practice, and expressed my determination to adhere to it.

I may observe that the refugees in this country at present are of every class, from every country, and in every cause;' and a proof is thus afforded how well the usual rule has been observed.

The Governor of Malta, however, was of opinion that, although the refugees from Rome (not Roman refugees in great part) might safely be allowed to proceed to England,

he could not be responsible for their remaining at Malta. They were therefore detained on board ship for some ten days or a fortnight, with the exception of the sick and of the women and children, who were allowed to land.

You are probably aware that there has existed during the past year a sort of circulating society of revolutionists, who have appeared sometimes in Paris, sometimes in Berlin, sometimes in Baden, and who were especially in great strength and numbers at Rome.

It is not consistent with the peace and good government of Malta, although it may be consistent with the peace and security of London, to have numerous bands of this revolutionary association at Malta.

It would be as pleasant an occupation to them to stir up dissensions in Malta as to head a riot in Berlin or in Baden.

One of these refugees was avowedly only taking Malta in his way to Venice, to assist in defending that city against the besieging troops.

After all, what has been the hardship inflicted? These persons were in no danger tf their lives while they were on board a French vessel. They were not detained longer ohan a vessel put in quarantine. They took their passages to England, or to Greece if they chose. They were prevented from disturbing Malta, and that was all.

Lord Grey has therefore, with my full concurrence, expressed his approbation o the course pursued by the Governor of Malta. I have the honour to be, &c.,

J. RUSSELL. P.S. I presume there is no doubt of the legality of the course pursued by the Governor of Malta?

TO THE EDITOR OF THE DAILY NEWS.

Tavistock House, Tavistock Square, Sept., 1849. SIR,- We beg to forward to you a letter which has been addressed to us by Signor Agostini, late Deputy of the Roman Constituent Assembly, bearing upon the treatment which the Roman refugees have received at the hands of the Governor of Malta. It may serve to confirm the general opinion, which Lord John Russell's letter will not probably have shaken, that much hardship must have been inflicted by the refusal of an asylum at Malta to the refugees from Rome.

The correspondence between Mr. Hume, as chairman pro tem. of the Italian Refugee Committee,' and Lord John Russell, was not intended by the Committee to have been so soon made public. They were not prepared for a reply from the Prime Minister of the character of that which he has thought fit to make to them: they would not themselves have published that correspondence without adding to it some protest on their part against the spirit of the answer, and some denial of the wholesale imputations against the refugees which it contains.

The refugees who were refused a landing at Malta were not members of any supposed 'circulating society of revolutionists; they were almost entirely Romans, or Italians from other parts of the peninsula, who had assisted in the defence of the liberties of Rome against an invasion in which this country has been fortunate enough to have had no part.

They were not men of whom even political prejudice could honestly say that it would beas pleasant an occupation to them to stir up dissensions in Malta, as to head a riot in Berlin or in Baden.' Least of all can it be justly implied against them that, by not being permitted to land, they were prevented from disturbing Malta;' because it is impossible in their character or previous conduct, to discover the slightest probability that they would, if allowed to land, have shown themselves capable of such ingratitude or of such consummate folly as the noble lord ventures by anticipation to charge against them.

The Committee feel that, in associating themselves together in aid of the Italian exiles, they have done no more than embody that general sympathy and deep respect for those who fought in the cause of Rome, which have been, and still are, almost universally diffused among intelligent Englishmen, totally irrespective of all questions or differences of political opinion.

Relying on this conviction, they are content to leave the subject of their correspondence, without further discussion, to the appreciation of the public - satisfied that the