that the taxes on knowledge are felt more deeply, resented more profoundly, by the intelligent part of the working classes than by those the next remove above them in a social sense. The reduction of the stamp duty was carried by an association of artisans; and many of the earnest men who conducted that agitation to a successful issue are now banded and banding together for the still larger and more difficult work referred to. To give an idea of the magnitude of the obstacles before them, we may state that they propose to invade the Chancellor of the Exchequer's strong box, and reclaim more than a million and a quarter sterling of the annual black-mail which he and his agents levy on knowledge! Last year, the tax on foreign books yielded about £7,650; the duty on paper, about £745,800; that on advertisements, £153,000; and the stamps on papers and journals, £360,270: altogether, £1,266,720. In their attempt to get these taxes, or any portion of them repealed, the association ought to be able to count upon the sympathy of every one interested in the education and gradual clevation of the people, be his political opinions what they may. Literature of some kind the masses have, and will have, in spite of all regulations; and if these impediments do not permit them to get at the higher, healthier kind, who can blame them for banquetting on such garbage as they can obtain? Hard workers need mental stimulants the newspaper would satisfy that need. The defence of Rome and the heroism of the Hungarians would be found more exciting than the most profligate story. But the half-penny press cannot publish news; the government allows it to print only the most gross and tawdry licentiousness.'-From the Athenaum, of August 11th.

A more healthful article than the foregoing we do not expect to see on this or any other subject. We value it the more, coming as it does from the chief organ of refined criticism, and repudiating that short-sightedness of the refined which treats the masses as out of the pale of literature and art. The interpretation given by the Athenæum of its rule of abstinence from politics, is another point in the character of that journal from which we cannot withhold our tribute of respect. Without entering the arena of party strife, it sees that nothing is entirely beyond the range of political action, and that to refrain from giving a passing encouragement to freedom and justice would be to chain to the car of despotism that literature which can only flourish in a free country and amid liberal institutions. Most truly does it affirm that all taxes which act as restrictions on the spread of intelligence and information in the country would be abolished at once by a government which looked only to the true welfare of the people.' In its recommendation of the stories of Roman and Hungarian heroism as the proper mental excitement for the hard workers' of England, it sets a good example to those cautions politicians who would let the people read nothing but diluted science and mawkish sentimentality; nor should it be forgotten that of all the press the Athenæum has the least reason to desire a change, since it enjoys the privilege of a penny postage without being compelled to receive a penny stamp.

It is a good sign that the agitation against ignorance has reached Ireland, so lately inaccessible to all but local politics. The Galway Mercury of the 4th of August contained the Address of the Newspaper

Stamp Abolition Committee, which appeared in this paper on the 1st; and in the Dublin Commercial Journal of August 18th we find an excellent article, from which we make the following extract:

"We are glad to see that this subject is being taken up vigorously by many of the English press. To all who view education as the first great step to a people's regeneration it is a most important question.

That that element of civilisation, which more than all others conduces to the safety and stability of government-which more than all other remedies for national disease, possesses both a certainty of cure and a cheapness and universality of application; that this should be selected by government as one of those branches of trade from which revenue is to be extracted, reckless of the tendency of such a levy; this, indeed, may be matter of surprise to many-must be a matter of indignation for all.

"The taxes on knowledge are onerous and oppressive when taken in the ad valorem proportion to the price of the article taxed. The entire amount of the taxes laid on thus unwisely and injudiciously, is something over £1,200,000. For this paltry sum-paltry when compared to the general revenue of the kingdom-a great principle is outraged, and an injurious precedent laid down.

That it should be the interest of government to advance the education of the people by every way in their power, is obvious to all. The principle is recognised by the establishment of national schools, and government colleges. But when another mode of education is offered to the authorities, when a means of enlightenment exists at the present day, which, in its power of useful instruction, is unequalled-what course do the government take regarding it? Do they aid it with grants? Do they encourage it by immunities? Do they stimulate it by reward? Do they promote its diffusion by their assistance? The stamp, paper, and advertisement duties furnish the answer.

'We seek to instruct the people-we offer to them that instruction at as low a rate as is consistent with our own safety-we run many risks in the attempt to supply the masses, thirsting for mental sustenance, with intellectual aliment of a wholesome kind, judiciously administered. One would think that the discharge of this duty would be pleasing to the government in whose care the interests of this people are placed. Yet what do we find? Our hands are bound up by restrictions, our progi ess impeded by vexatious and onerous imposts. And by whom? By this very government-this very legislature-whose interests we are advancing. We are checked by the guardians of that constitution the stability of which we have strengthened, the foundations of which we have secured. 'For whatever makes the people less ignorant, makes them less turbulent also; and the more knowledge is spread, the more will peace and order prevail through the land.

'The advertisement duty is another oppression which we trust to see removed, and which is the most unjustifiable of all the taxes that ever went to form a Chancellor's budget. This tax is so grossly disproportionate in its mode of levy that it seems superfluous to occupy a moment's time in pointing out its injustice. One instance will suffice-one drawn also from our own experience. A poor governess enters our office-she seeks employment. She offers us an advertisement couched in as few

words as possible. It amounts to four lines of our columns. We charge SIXPENCE for its insertion. Her Majesty's Commissioner of Inland Revenue steps in, and demands ONE SHILLING duty! On the same day a wealthy Insurance Company, or a prosperous mercantile establishment, send in their advertisement, for which we charge, say, Two Pounds. (Many exceed this, but the average number of the highest do not go beyond it.) The same Hon. Commissioner mentioned above demands duty on this advertisement also, and he charges but ONE SHILLING, though the value of the article taxed is eighty times larger than that for which he charges the struggling governess, or unemployed clerk or tutor, the very same amount. The simple statement of the case is eloquent enough. Comment is needless.

'If we could trace out the course of the newspaper circulation of this country, we might be able to estimate the benefits that invariably result from the constant teachings of a free and intelligent press. We would be sure to see intelligence, sobriety, and industry, prevail in the home where the mechanic or labourer perused and studied the penny magazine, or the larger and more diversified weekly journal, and spent his evenings not at the gin shop, the whiskey store, nor the ale house, but sat at home by his own fire-side, happy in the elevation of thought produced from the judicious and liberal education which the press pours out. That education is given sometimes irregularly-sometimes in a desultory form --and sometimes, perhaps, mixed up with what is worthless or pernicious. But the thought and reflection induced by continued perusal, will soon lay the foundation of a habit of analyses and examination, which will, assuredly, bear good result in the rejection of what is evil-in the acceptance and warm approval of all that is truthful and pure.'

We will conclude this article by reminding the readers of the Reasoner that the battle must be fought throughout the country before it can be won, and that in the battle we expect them to take an active part.

In every town, parish, village, hamlet, or literary institution, which contains one of our readers, let an anti-stamp committee be formed; they need spend no money; let them meet at a member's house--the central committee will supply them with tracts gratis, and with all the advice or assistance in their power. Let these local committees get up petitions, respectably and numerously signed, and send them either to such Members of Parliament as they can trust, or to the office of the committee, 15, Essex Street, Strand. Let this be done as speedily as possible, that the whole of the taxes on knowledge may be vigorously attacked at the beginning of the next session, and an attempt made to get rid of the penny stamp when the budget is discussed. Let those who are too busy to do anything else contribute money. We shall be happy to take charge of the subscriptions of our readers, and will undertake to forward them to the Treasurer, Mr. Francis Place. G. J. H.

THE SELF-SUPPORTING PAUPERS OF SHEFFIELD.

THE possibility of enabling the parish poor of the metropolis to become self-supporting, has for some time been agitated. Mr. Hetherington, with considerable address and success, urged the matter on the St. Pancras board. We condense from the Sheffield Times and Manchester

Ο

Spectator the history of the most complete experiment we know of in the provinces.

The clerk of the board of guardians for the Sheffield Union, Mr. Watkinson, having a knowledge of agriculture, designed a plan for the employment of able-bodied paupers on the land. The Sheffield board, listening to his views, rented from the Duke of Norfolk, for a period of 21 years, fifty acres of moor land, at a yearly rent of 4s. per acre. It is distant some six or seven miles from Sheffield, on the road to Glossop, and a most sterile and unpromising aspect it had. Operations were commenced in May, 1848, by the erection of a substantial house for the labourers, at a cost of £1,000. In October, the building was so far completed as to be partially habitable. At that time, there were about 400 able-bodied men receiving parochial relief, all of whom had been employed in the irksome and unprofitable occupation of grinding corn by hand-mills and picking oakum. A qualified superintendent was appointed, and fifty men were drafted out of the ranks, and sent to the farm. The new mode of employment, although novel to many, was greatly preferred to the old one, and in a short time the farm became the abode of the privileged, scarcely any being sent thither save those whose general conduct was deemed worthy of reward and encouragement. The farm has been enclosed on one side by a good stone wall, 880 yards in length, 5 feet high, and 1 ft. thick, the material for which was got and brought to the spot by the paupers. About eight acres have been broken up by the spade, cleared, and well drained-the stone on the land, which is superabundant, having been employed in the formation of deep under-drains. These eight acres are now under cultivation, and have on them average crops of potatoes, oats, wheat, barley, turnips, and mangle wurzel. The remaining forty-two acres, not yet broken up, have been used as pasturage for the farm-house, and a number of cattle have been taken in togist,' the receipts from which, at the end of the season, will exceed the year's rent for the whole fifty acres. The main force is still employed in clearing the land. The hours of labour are from half-past seven in the morning until six in the evening, deducting the usual meal hours. The week's labour terminates at noon on Saturday, when each man, after partaking of dinner, returns to his family and friends, with whom he is at liberty to spend the Sunday; but he must return to the farm by Monday at midday. The men, with their active labour and corresponding food, speedily became robust and healthy; and the superior treatment here administered had the good effect, in most instances, of effecting a reform of the character of those stubborn spirits, who, while in the workhouse, were refractory and ill-behaved; and many who, while remaining in the workhouse, or at the flour mill, found it impossible to obtain employment at their trade, became so far improved in character, after a short residence at the farm, that they experienced but little difficulty in gaining the sort of employment which previously they had solicited in vain. In this manner their withdrawal from the farm makes room for others. The fluctuation in the number of labourers, however, creates very little if any inconvenience in respect of the systematic progress of the operations, inasmuch as the chief work is the reclaiming of the land, a process which can be easily suspended or recommenced at any time. This attempt,' says

the Sheffield Times, 'to bring under cultivation a tract of waste land by means of surplus pauper labour has, we can state from personal observation, been completely successful. We are enabled to state, on the best authority, that the experiment proves that, in addition to supporting the labourers employed at the farm-and this of itself is no mean consideration -the return yielded by the various sources of income will fully balance the interest of the capital expended. This fact, we apprehend, can scarcely be otherwise than satisfactory; because, even leaving out of view the important moral results involved, the scheme provides an outlay for almost any amount of unproductive labour, and, by its pecuniary operation, greatly mitigates the severity of the infliction resulting from an extensive and protracted depression of trade.......It is gratifying to be able to state, too, that the members of the board of guardians are decidedly favourable to the scheme, and are endeavouring by earnest co-operation to perpetuate its successful working.'

The experiment,' says the Manchester Spectator, 'seems to be a very promising one, and we commend it to the consideration of every board of guardians which still persists in the absurd system of keeping men to work at profitless employments.'

G. J. H.

INFLUENCE OF SORROW AND JOY ON MORAL

INSTINCTS.

VERY much has been said and written on the natural influence of sorrow in developing moral instincts, and in imparting sensitiveness to spiritual susceptibilities-but very little on that of joy. For our own parts we believe days of sunshine to be to the full as serviccable in preparing the mind for the seeds of right principles, as days of rain-times of relaxation, as times of labour-smiles, as sighs-laughter, as tears. Monotonous misery is a soil as barren of all virtue, as monotonous pleasureand perpetual drudgery, unrelieved by occasional gleams of amusement, is as fatal to all that religious benevolence can desire, as unceasing dissipation. Intense selfishness is the product of either. Man's affections seem to collapse upon their own centre, and to be rendered incapable of being drawn out of himself, by any state which excludes occasional alternations. To the poor, a day of hilarious enjoyment, supposing that enjoyment to be unexceptionable in kind, has a tendency as beneficial as a season of affliction to a debauchce. It allures the mind from its too familiar haunts. It lends a brief sense of newness to his being. It wakes up sympathies that have so long slumbered as to have been forgotten. It stirs feelings all but dead. It makes the man for the time being more of a man than he was before. It brings out family and social affections-constitutes a fresh spot upon which hearts can mingle-weaves another thread of mutual interest around those whom the relationships of life have linked together. It is, in many more ways than we can enumerate, favourable to the cultivation of the moral qualities-and, as an element in civilising, softening, purifying, rugged or turbid human nature, might be turned to far more useful account than it has been.-Nonconformist.