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And the truth is, it is no little that the due execution of the magis. strates office doth conduce to the success of the gospel, and the promoting of the ministry, and of the word and work of God upon men's souls. And therefore, though I dissent from the worthy Davenant in this, that he would have pastors to be magistrates, and I would have pastors to be but mere pastors, and the office of the magistrates to be an office by itself, and trusted with fit persons who are no pastors, and who may intend it, and make it their work: yet, thus far I agree, that it is most convenient and godly, that, throughout all the churches, there be in every place an heir of restraint, a revenger to execute wrath upon them that do evil, and to protect the good; that these two standing ordinances of Jesus Christ, and of God the father by him, may stand and consist together, and walk hand in hand, and mutually support and conserve each other for the glory of God, and the good of church and commonwealth. And this is no Utopia, or Platonick idea, or form of a commonwealth, which is but a fiction or imagination, no where to be found in this world but it is obvious and plain to all, and needs not so much any new institution, as a restoration of ancient practice, and a faithful execution of what all sides agree in, consistent with the municipal laws and sanctions of this kingdom.

40. If any shall think I have committed inexpediency, in writing against inexpediency, and have meddled with a point, that will not abide to be meddled with; when I am convinced of it, I will acknowledge my error: till then, I will stand upon mine own defence, and plead not guilty. Almost imprudent is prudent. If any tax me of pragmaticalness: I answer, it is pragmaticalness, that I write against, and I cannot cure the wound, unless I search it to the bottom, and apply to it suitable plaisters. Pragmatical divines cannot content themselves to be divines in common with their brethren; but they will play the bishops in another's diocese, and think, it well becomes them to immerse themselves in state affairs. If it shall be said, that hereby I cast asper sion upon the government of the nation, and censure the judgment and esteem of many generations of princes, parliaments, wise men, divines, and counsellors: I answer, that, if it be lawful for a Davenant to assert in schools, and publish to the world an erroneous position, civilis jurisdictio jure conceditur ecclesiasticis; it cannot be thought unlawful by equal judges, for another, though not to be named with Davenant, to assert the contrary, and shew the unsoundness of his opinion, though with all just reverence to so worthy a man. And, in doing this, I do but expound the true meaning and extent of the fifth commandment, and assert the rights of the church universal, and the consentient judg ment of the best and soundest divines, and the due bounds of magistracy and ministry, and reduce things to primitive order and simplicity, according to the pattern of Christ and his apostles, and the first and purest times of the church.

DISCOURSES UPON THE MODERN AFFAIRS OF EUROPE,

TENDING TO PROVE THAT THE

ILLUSTRIOUS FRENCH MONARCHY MAY BE REDUCED

TO TERMS OF GREATER MODERATION.

Dì Denári, dì sénno, e dì Féde

C'n'è mancò ché non Créde.

There is commonly less money, less wisdom, and less good faith than men de account upon. VERULAM.

Et digiti pedum partim sunt ex ferro, et partim ex luto; quia ex parte regnum futurum est durum, et ex parte futurum est fragile, Dan. ii. 42.

[From a quarto edition, twenty-four pages, printed at the Hague, in the year 1680.]

The Publisher to the Reader.

And

The author of these discourses I know not. But the same coming to my hands, beyond any expectation of mine, I thought I was bound to give the publick (whose mark is upon them) credit for the same. And, because it is one essential property of a good merchant to pay well, I also thought myself obliged to render the effects of so good a hit, into the common bank, where they are due. It is true, there are some things in them, which seem not so fit for publick view; but those things concerning the author and not me, who have a stock only going in the publick company, and am no private trader; I pass those considerations over, seeing good things (as the philosopher long since observed) the more common, the better they are. And he that cannot speak within doors, may sometimes take liberty to speak without doors, especially when those within doors seem to forget the most material points. Something I would also say of the discourse itself; but because it is a proverb as old as Apelles himself, its author, That the shoe-maker must not go above his last :' I will pray in aid of my Lord Bacon,* and desire him to be of council for me. first, for the method and manner of handling, thus he speaks, “ the form of writing, which best agrees with so variable and universal an argument' (as is the handling of negociations and scattered occasions) that would be of all others the fittest, which Machiavel made choice of for the handling of matters of policy and government; namely, by observations and discourses, as they term them, upon history and examples. For knowledge, drawn freshly, and, as it were, in our view, out of particulars, knows the way best to particulars again; and it hath much the greater life for practice, when the discourse or disceptation attends upon the example, than when the example attends upon the disceptation; for here not only order but substance is respected. And as to the matter, who would not but be in a passion, to see the world undone by insufficient counsellors? Or, to speak in our own dialect, so many good ships lost, as it were, in the very mouth of the haven, through unskilful pilots? And to see fighting armies neglected, and impertinent things relied on? Let him therefore speak to these two things. To the first, the speech of Themistocles, taken to himself, was indeed somewhat uncivil and haughty; but if it had been applied to others, and at large, certainly it may seem to comprehend in it a wise observation, and a grave censure; desired at a feast to touch a lute, he

.

* Advancement of Learning.

said, he could not fiddle, but yet he could make a small town a great city. These words, drawn to a politick sense, do excellently express and distinguish two differing abilities, in those that deal in business of estate. For, if a true survey be taken of all counsellors and statesmen that ever were, and others promoted to publick charge, there will be found (though very rarely) those who can make a small state great, and yet cannot fiddle: as, on the other side, there will be found a great many, that are very cunning upon the cittern or lute (that is, in court trifles) but yet are so far from being able to make a small state great, as their gift lies another way, to bring a great and flourishing estate to ruin and decay. To the second thus: walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance, artillery, and the like; all this is but a sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the people be stout and warlike. Nay, number itself in armies imports not much, where the people are of a faint and weak courage: for, as Virgil saith, it never troubles a wolf, how many the sheep are. And a little after, a man may rightly make a judgment, and set it down for a sure and certain truth, that the principal point of all others, which respects the greatness of any kingdom or state, is to have a race of military men. Farewel.

THE great thing which has disturbed the peace of Europe, filled it with blood and slaughters, and shaken the dismembered kingdoms and states thereof, has been the huge design of the universal monarchy; a design which (by a kind of fascination) has possessed the genius of the Spanish and French monarchies, which therefore, in their turns, have been dangerous to all Europe. But the French have made nearer approaches to the throne of such extended Empire, than the Spaniards. Let us then look upon the means and advantages the most Christian king has, to pursue so vast a design, as if he would plow up the air: to the end our minds may be stirred up (if any thing will stir them) to raise up those banks, which (under that providence, to which nothing is so high, to be above it; nothing so low, to be beneath it; nothing so large, but is bounded; nor, nothing so confused, but is ordered by it) will circumscribe such wild and boundless ambition, within its own limits.

And, for our encouragement, let us, by the way, hear the judgment of that excellent man, Sir Walter Raleigh, in the case of the Spanish monarchy, which then was, what France now is, to the rest of Europe. His words are these: Since the fall of the Roman Empire (omitting that of the Germans, which had neither greatness nor continuance) there hath been no state fearful in the east, but that of the Turk; nor in the west any prince that hath spread his wings far over his nest, but the Spaniard; who, since the time that Ferdinand expelled the Moors out of Granada, have made any attempts to make themselves masters of all Europe. And it is true, that by the treasures of both Indies, and by the many kingdoms which they possess in Europe, they are at this day the most powerful. But, as the Turk is now counterpoised by the Persian, so, instead of so many millions as have been spent by the English, French, and Netherlands, in a defensive war, and in diversions against them, it is easy to demonstrate, that with the charge of two hundred thousand pounds, continued but two years, or three at the most, they may not only be persuaded to live in peace, but all their swelling and overflowing streams may be brought back into their natural channels and old banks.' But to go on.

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France then is come to the greatest perfection, in respect of domestick empire, it is capable of. For, 1. Whereas heretofore the body of that kingdom was not intire, but subject to several great barons, who were able not only to expostulate, but to contend with the king; they are all brought now to a dependence on the crown, and become most obsequious to it. 2. All those mighty members, into which that kingdom was formerly divided, are now annexed to the crown: So that, for largeness of territory, and compacted and united strength, it is become the most formidable kingdom in all Europe. And as, by the former of these, they have secured themselves against all intestine wars, which many times, through the interests and feuds of those barons, shook the whole frame of that kingdom: so, by the latter, they have, fenced themselves against all foreign invasion. For, heretofore, all the neighbouring princes were ready upon every occasion to invade the kingdom of France, the Dukes of Burgundy, Britany, Guienne, or Flanders, being always tempting them thereunto, and giving them access, passage, and reception. By this means England made two conquests of France, and at other times forced them to buy peace of them, and pay them tribute. But now, whosoever would invade that kingdom, shall not only want these for their confederates, to invite and assist them, but shall have them for their enemies. Thus far Machiavel has observed for substance. 3. By abrogating the convention of estates,* that king has spoiled the people of that power and share in government, which they have originally had in all the mixt monarchies of Europe, and made himself absolute, even in the point of raising money; which is the blood that fills the veins of that mighty body. By this means he has changed the constitution of that kingdom, from mixt to absolute monarchy, for the kind of it; which is the form that enables a prince to do most mischief, both at home and abroad. 4. But that which is the crown of this perfection, and may be the strongest stay of it, is the naval force, Now added to the other strengths of that powerful monarchy, wherein it now† equals, if it be not an overbalance to, either. England or Holland. For this is a maxim, 'That the power of a prince, whose dominions border on the sea, cannot be perfect without a force in shipping able to command the sea.' Wherefore, in my opinion (which nevertheless is exceeding weak) one of the greatest mischiefs, this war has produced, is, that it has given occasion to France to become mighty in naval power. And that mischief can never better be demonstrated than by this consideration: That there was never before any example, upon earth, of a triumvirate of mighty nations in a vicinity of neigh bourhood one to another, and bordering upon the same seas, equally powerful in naval strength. The consequence of which must of necessity, in time to come, be a perpetual emulation and jealousy, greater, by how much either an union or division of three is more perfect than of any other number. Whereby it must necessarily come to pass, either that some two of the three shall alternately, or by turns, fight against the third; or that two of the three shall agree to extinguish the power of the third; that themselves may remain in indifferent terms, without jealousy one of another. It is now long since France wanted but one

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of three things to help them to drive on that huge design of ambition for the universal monarchy, which has so long swelled their hearts. To bring Holland under a kind of feudal protection of that crown, by which means they might serve themselves of their ships and seamen : Or to make themselves masters of the Spanish Netherlands: Or lastly, to grow great in naval strength at home. For France has been dangerous enough to the rest of Europe, whilst they were in a manner without shipping: Insomuch that those two things were observed of them in the time of Queen Elizabeth, That France could never abstain ⚫ from war, for above two or three years together.' And, That they ' could never be poor.' 5. And lastly, To all this may be added, the new conquests and acquisitions of the French. But nevertheless it may be doubted, whether that monarchy has received any real accession of strength by those conquests, in case it should come to feel the shock of a powerful and vigorous enemy. It is true indeed (what Machiavel has said)That the conquests of commonwealths that are ill governed, and < contrary to the model of the Romans, do conduce more to the ruin, than advancement of their affairs.' But, when we shall a little pene trate (what he elsewhere says) That, when we have observed the histories of former times, we shall find, that commonwealths had generally but three ways of enlarging their empire. One is that which was observed by the Tuscans of old, who entered into a league of confederacy with several other commonwealths, with condition of equality, that no particular should have any degree or authority above the rest, and that comprehension should be left for all their new conquests to come in, not much unlike the practice of the Switzers and the Hol. landers of late, and the Achaians and Etolians of old. Another way of extending your empire, is, by associating with several cities, but so, as that the dignity of the command, the seat of the empire, and the honour of the enterprise, may remain with you, which was the way observed by the Romans, and it was peculiar to them; no other people has observed it, and certainly no better is to be found. The third is the way of the Spartans, and Athenians, who entertained no confederates, but whatever territories they conquered, they annexed them to their own: Which way is, undoubtedly, the worst of the three, as appeared by the two said republicks, who were ruined upon no other account, but because they had grasped more dominion than they were able to hold. I say, these things distinctly considered, and the last way being that which the French practise in their conquests, it makes the doubt yet greater.

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From that of the state, if we descend to the consideration of the person of the king, it gives us these two momentous observations. shews us how necessary a thing it is for a prince, that would either defend or enlarge his state, to excel in practical wisdom, which consists in application, conduct, and pursuit. For by that means he shall always be served by wise and excellent men. For it ever was, and ever will be true: As the prince himself is, so are his council, and those that are about him. A weak prince will never endure wise men; nor can wise men ever be safe under an inadvertent prince. And it gives him mighty advantages over the princes and states, that are about him;

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