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there were found in the wall copies of the Shoo-king, the Ch'un Tsew, the Heaou-king, and the Lun Yu or Analects, which had been deposited there, when the edict for the burning of the Books was issued. They were all written, however, in the most ancient form of the Chinese character, which had fallen into disuse, and the king returned them to the K‘ung family, the head of which, Kóung Gan-kwõ,9 gave himself to the study of them, and finally, in obedience to an imperial order, published a Work called “The Lun Yu, with Explanations of the Characters, and Exhibition of the


4. The recovery of this copy will be seen to be a most important circumstance in the history of the text of the Analects. It is referred to by Chinese writers, as “The old Lun Yu.” In the historical narrative which we have of the affair, a circumstance is added which may appear to some minds to throw suspicion on the whole account. The king was finally arrested, we are told, in his purpose to destroy the house, by hearing the sounds of bells, musical stones, lutes, and harpsichords, as he was ascending the steps that led to the ancestral hall or temple. This incident was contrived, we may suppose, by the Kóung family, to preserve the house, or it may have been devised by the historian to glorify the sage, but we may not, on account of it, discredit the finding of the ancient copies of the Books. We have K‘ung Gan-kwò's own account of their being committed to him, and of the ways which he took to decipher them. The work upon the Analects, mentioned above, has not indeed come down to us, but his labours on the Shoo-king still remain.

5. It has been already stated, that the Lun Yu of Ts'e contained two Books more than that of Loo. In this respect, the old Lun Yu agreed with the Loo exemplar. Those two books were wanting it in as well. The last book of the Loo Lun was divided in it, however, into two, the chapter beginning, “Yaou said,” forming a whole Book by itself, and the remaining two chapters formed ano. ther Book beginning “Tsze-chang.” With this trifling difference, the old and the Loo copies appear to have agreed together.

8 t * F-lit., ' tadpole characters.' They were, it is said, the original forms devised by Ts'ang-Këč, with large heads and fine tails, like the creature from which they were named. See the notes to the preface to the Shoo-king in “The thirteen Classics.' 9孔安 2. 10. 6. See the Preface to the Lun Yu in ‘The thirteen King.' It has been my principal authority in this Section.

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6. Chang Yu, prince of Gan-ch'ang, who died B.C. 4, after having sustained several of the highest oflices of the empire, instituted a comparison between the exemplars of Loo and Tsée, with a view to determine the true text. The result of his labours appeared in twenty-one Books, which are mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue. They were known as the Lun of the prince Chang, 12 and cominandel general approbation. To Chang Yu is commonly ascribed the ejecting from the Classic the two additional books which the Ts'e exemplar contained, but Ma Twan-lin prefers to rest that circumstance on the authority of the old Lim, which we have seen was without them.13 If we had the two Books, we might find sufficient reason froin their contents to discredit them. That may have been sufficient for Chang Yu to condemn them as he did, but we can hardly i suppose that he did not have before him the old Lun, which had come to light about a century before he published his Work.

7. In the course of the second century, a new edition of the Analects, with a commentary, was published by one of the greatest scholars which China has ever produced, Ch‘ing Heuen, known also as Ch‘ing K‘ang shing.14 He died in the reign of the emperor Heen (A.D. 190–220) at the age of 74, and the amount of his labours on the ancient classical literature is almost incredible. While he adopted the Loo Lun as the received text of his time, he compared it minutely with those of Ts'e and the old exemplar. In the last section of this chapter will be found a list of the readings in his commentary different from those which are now acknowledged, in deference to the authority of Choo He, of the Sung dynasty. They are not many, and their importance is but trifling.

8. On the whole, the above statements will satisfy the reader of the care with which the text of the Lun Yu was fixed during the dynasty of Han.


THEIR PLAN; AND AUTIIENTICITY. 1. At the commencement of the notes upon the first Book, under i the heading—“ The Title of the Work,” I have given the received

11 安昌侯張禹,12張侯論 13 文獻通考, Bak ckxin.p 3. 14 鄭玄字康成:15 孝獻皇帝

account of its authorship, taken from the “History of Literature' of the western Han dynasty. According to that, the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Confucius, coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which they had severally preserved. But this cannot be true. We may believe, indeed, that

many of the disciples put on record conversations which they had had with their master, and notes about his manners and incidents of his life, aud that these have been incorporated with the Work which we have, but that Work must have taken its present form at a period somewhat later.

In Book VIII., chapters iii. and iv., we have some notices of the last days of Tsăng Sin, and are told that he was visited on his deathbed by the officer Măng King Now King was the posthumous title of Chung-sun Tsëč, and we find him alive, (Le Ke, II. Pt. II. ii. 2) after the death of duke To of Loo,” which took place B.c. 490, about fifty years after the death of Confucius.

Again, Book XIX. is all occupied with the sayings of the disciples. Confucius personally does not appear in it. Parts of it, as chapters iii., xii., and xviii., carry us down to a time when the disciples had schools and followers of their own, and were accustomed to sustain their teachings by referring to the lessons which they had heard

froin the sage.

Thirdly, there is the second chapter of Book XI., the second paragraph of which is evidently a note by the compilers of the Work, enumerating ten of the principal disciples, and classifying them according to their distinguishing characteristics.

We can hardly suppose it to have been written while any of the ten were alive. But there is among them the name of Tsze-hea, who lived to the age of about a hundred. We find him, B.C. 406, three quarters of a century after the death of Confucius, at the court of Wei, to the prince of which he is reported to have presented some of the Classical Books. 3

2. We cannot therefore accept the above account of the origin of the Analects,—that they were compiled by the disciples of Confucius. Much more likely is the view that we owe the work to their disciples. In the note on I. ii. 1, a peculiarity is pointed out in the

1 See Chos lle's commentary, in loc.-i liit FW** tifi The Little ? 悼公,晋魏斯受經於下子又iscultu歷代統紀表 Ex. . . 7.

use of the surnames of Yew Jo and Tsăng Sin, which has made some Chinese critics attribute the coinpilation to their followers. But this conclusion does not stand investigation. Others have assigned different portions to different schools. Thus, Book V. is given to the disciples of Tsze-kung; Book XI, to those of Min Tszek'een ; Book XIV, to Yuen Heen; and Book XVI has been supposed to be interpolated from the Analects of Ts'e. Even if we were to acquiesce in these decisions, we should have accounted only for a small part of the Work. It is better to rest in the general conclusion, that it was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of the sage, making free use of the written memorials concerning hin which they had received, and the oral statements which they had heard, from their several masters. And we shall not be far wrong, if we determine its date as about the end of the fourth, or the begin. ning of the fifth century before Christ.

3. In the critical work on the Four Books, called “Record of Remarks in the village of Yung,"4 it is observed, “The Analects, in my opinion, were made by the disciples, just like this record of remarks. There they were recorded, and afterwards came a first-rate hand, who gave them the beautiful literary finish which we now witness, so that there is not a character which does not have its own indispensable place."5 We have seen that the first of these statements contains only a small amount of truth with regard to the materials of the Analects, nor can we receive the second. If one hand or one mind had digested the materials provided by many, the arrangement and style of the work would have been different. We should not have had the same remark appearing in several Books, with little variation, and sometimes with none at all. Nor can we account on this supposition for such fragments as the last chapters of the 9th, 10th, and 16th Books, and many others. No definite plan has been kept in view throughout. A degree of unity appears to belong to some Books more than others, and in general to the first ten more than to those which follow, but there is no progress of thought or illustration of subject from Book to Book. And even in those where

4 tot - that, the village of Yung,' is, I conceive, the writer's nom de pluie 6論語想是門弟子,如語錄一般,記在那裏後來有一 高手鍊成文理,這樣少,下字無一不彈

the chapters have a common subject, they are thrown together at random more than on any plan.

4. When the Work was first called the Lun Yu, we cannot tell.6 The evidence in the preceding section is sufficient to prove that when the Han scholars were engaged in collecting the ancient Books, it came before them, not in broken tablets, but complete, and arranged in Books or Sections, as we now have it. The old Lun was found deposited in the wall of the house which Confucius had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than B.C. 211, distant from the date which I have assigned to the compilation, not much more than a century and a half. That copy, written in the most ancient characters, was, possibly, the autograph of the compilers.

We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several authors of the third and fourth centuries before Christ. Of these, in addition to “The Great Learning,” “The Doctrine of the Mean," and " The Works of Mencius,” I have looked over the Works of Seun K'ing? of the orthodox school, of the philosopliers Chwang and Lëě of the Taouist school, and of the heresiarch Mih.9

In The Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv., we have the words of Ana. XII. xüi. In The Doctrine of the Mean, ch. iii., we have Ana. VI. xxvii.; and in ch. xxviii. 5, we have Ana. III. xxiv. In Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 19, we have Ana. VII. xxxiii., and in vii. 2, Ana. IV. i.; in III. Pt. I. iv. 11, Ana. VIII. xviii., xix.; in IV. Pt. I. xiv. 1, Ana. XI. xvi. 2 ; V. Pt. II. vii. 9, Ana. X. xiii. 4.; aud in VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 1, 2, 8, Ana. V. xxi., XIII. xxi., and XVII. xiii. These quotations, however, are introduced by “The Master said," or “Confucius said,” no mention being made of any book called “The Lun Yu," or Analects. In The Great Learning, Commentary, x. 15, we have the words of Ana. IV. iii., and in Mencius, III. Pt. II. vii. 3, those of Ana. XVII. i, but without any notice of quotation. 6 In the continuation of the “General Examination of Records and Scholars, i un

), Bk.cxcviii. p. 17, it is said, indeed, on the authority of Wang Chung ( ), a scholar of the 1st century, that when the Work came out of the wall it was named a Chuen or Record (), and that it was when K'ung Gan-kwă instructed a native of Tsin, named Foo-kóing, in it, that it first got the name of Lun Yu:-uit iti 14 w FILE IT, ZET, 孔安國古論教晉人扶”,始日論語· If it were so it is stringe the circumstance is not mentiuued in Ho An's preface. 7 HJ SPP. 8 JE FFW F. 9墨子

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