English pictures to a place on their walls. And although the motive was, perhaps, worthier in the one than in the other the Royal Irish Academy hav ing from the first adopted the principle of opening its doors to the honourable competition of the whole world, and the Society of Irish Artists having apparently been driven by the necessity of the case to rescind the rule which closed their's against all but Irishmen the alternative being, we may presume, that of shutting up altogether-yet we will not quarrel with the reason, so we see the thing that is right done at last. In a paper like the present, however, it is not necessary to examine what has been contributed to either exhibition by non-resident artists, even where they may happen to be Irishmen, and eminent in their line.

And on the other hand, let the resident artist be Irish, English, or a foreigner, we shall deem him equally entitled to notice.

Let us take, as the first name, that of Petrie. He deserves this preeminence, not so much, perhaps, from his actual proficiency in the particular branch of the art his exhibition pic tures belong to-for, with all their merit, they have to meet the powerful competition of the water-colour school in England, which is allowed to be in a more forward and flourishing state than that of any other country-as because to the unremitting exertions of this eminent man, in this as well as other branches of polite learning, we owe a great deal of the progress made of late years in art, science, archæology, and public taste. He has refined and purified the general mind-kept the home-school in constant communication with the microcosm of learning throughout the world; assisted to foster, nourish, educate foundling talent, and apprentice it to the great masters. That he has his faults as a painter, few will question that his picture of the ruins of Clonmacnoise at sunset possesses points of great beauty, and an interest peculiarly its own and his own, any man of genuine taste will be glad to proclaim. It reflects great credit on the committee of the Royal Irish Art Union, that they have not hesitated to buy the picture, in its unfinished state, and at a liberal price, not only to form an attractive object amongst the prizes this year, but for

the purpose of having it engraved for their subscribers of the coming one. No work they could have selected would have served their purpose so well. The scene is intensely Irish, and exquisitely romantic. The picture affords the greatest facilities for rich engraving; and the painter is the very man who has constituted himself the interpreter of the past, as it stands written in the sublime ruins he delineates.

In landscape, there are other names which well deserve the meed of commendation some of them positively, others relatively, as exhibiting progressive advancement remarkable for its rapidity. Amongst the former, the visitor of the galleries will not be slow to place Newton, O'Neill, Brocas, Du Noyer, E. Hayes, and Wall, as well as Colonel Colomb and Sir George Hodson; and amongst the latter may be included Smyth, Mulcahy, Atkinson, and others.

At the same time, it must be admitted, that our landscape school needs a stimulus greater than that of mere emulation. Its disciples have, in the works annually sent from England, plenty of opportunity to study manner; and here at home nature lies in her full loveliness before them: yet there is a decided want both of vigour and variety in their performances. This may be mended in time, but it will require strong and rightly-directed efforts.

Wherever portraits are exhibited, as the majority of human faces are ordinary, so the greater part of the pictures will be unattractive. Nevertheless we have two artists, each eminent in his line, overcoming the indifference of the public, and claiming for their works an attention which is gladly accorded by every one who has the taste to appreciate beauty. We speak of Burton and Catterson Smith. We shall pass slightly over the first named artist, for he has not come forward with so much prominency this year as he has been in the habit of doing. His speaking likeness of Sir Edward Sugden is a highly wrought piece of water-colour painting, certainly; but it is a single work, and, besides, not a first rate specimen of the artist.

But Catterson Smith deserves every praise for his oil-portraits. Two of them-the lovely Mrs. Eccles, and Lord Heytesbury, are complete stu dies in their way. Even admitting

that the life-tints might be stronger, still there is a chaste harmony of colouring, a graceful accuracy of drawing, a life-like reality about his portraits, which render them objects of pleasure, not only to those interested in the subjects, but to every beholder.

It is by no means our wish, and it certainly is not our province, to go seriatim either through the works of the artists we name, or through the names of those artists who deserve more or less commendation. If it were, we should next speak of Martin Cregan, an old favourite with the public of Crowley-of Harwood, a young aspirant, rising rapidly and deservedly in the general estimation— of many others; but, as it is, we pass on to some names which it were culpable to omit mention of. Haverty, although not equalling his chef d'œuvre of last year, the Blind Piper, has shown himself a disciple of the same school that of nature. In this particular, Sharp, Tracy, and Gray, too, prove themselves in the right course. There is study from the original in all they do, though none of them have this year reached the mark of former performances. M. A. Hayes, too, in his peculiar line, must not be passed unnoticed unpurchased as it has remained, his picture of the cavalry charge at Moodkee displays considerable powers of expression; and, for a design which must of necessity be imaginative, much of nature and originality.

In sculpture, the Irish name stands high all over the world. The genius of

the nation leans to it: eminence in that department of the arts is almost sure to follow the devotion of an Irishman to it. No one can view the graceful works of Terence Farrell exhibited this year-we allude particularly to the figures of the Elements, executed in marble for Lord De Grey, without recognizing the undoubted marks of talent. The Colombe Retrouvèe of last year, too, by his son, was a great original study. Nor ought we to pass over J. Kirk, who bids fair to rival his father in his art. His, as well as other names, we can, however, barely mention.

But in those already enumerated there is the foundation, and in part the structure, of a DOMESTIC SCHOOL OF ART that great æsthetic institution, to establish which ought to be the ultimate object, not only of artists themselves and lovers of art, but of those who seek to raise the social and national standard in this country above its present level. This consideration, as we have already proved, well deserves its place in connexion with more strictly economic schemes; and satisfied we are, that the efforts made with blind though perhaps sincere zeal, to force Ireland into what is assumed to be her natural position, would achieve the very objects they aim at, without a strain or a struggle, if they were brought to bear on the hearts, the affections, the habits, and the tastes of Irishmen, instead of working on their passions and their prejudices.

We believe there are few who can now hesitate to avow the belief that our Church, as an establishment, is in danger. It is not our purpose, at present, to direct the attention of our readers to the external violence with which it is menaced; of that there are few of them who require to be informed;-but rather to invite them to the consideration of its internal state, and to offer such suggestions as appear to us best calculated to maintain its standards, preserve its purity, and increase its efficiency.

As a great moral and religious institute, the working of our Church establishment cannot be an object of indifference to any man who entertains any serious concern for the well-being of the empire. Its action upon the masses of the community may be of the most beneficial nature:-nor is it possible to contemplate the weekly assemblages of our multitudes for instruction in truth and in righteousness, without regarding, as of immense importance, the system by which such instruction is to be conveyed. It may be the most effective instrument for the formation of the character of a people, and it may, if insufficient, ineffective, or abused, very materially contribute to the deterioration of that character, and only accelerate the downward tendencies of national degeneracy and abasement. Our object, at present, is, to point out the dangers of such abuse, and to suggest, irrespectively of all party or political considerations, such remedial measures as the present state of our Church would seem to indicate, and by the timely application of which the evils which it threatens may be avoided.

As we wish to simplify, as much as possible, our consideration of this important subject, we will take for granted that the present constitution of our Church establishment is one which it is desirable to preserve. The dissenter and the voluntary will, of course, differ from us. With them, upon fitting occasion, we would be most happy to hold amicable converse, and to offer to them, to the best of our power, a reason for the faith that is in us.

But

to enter upon topies of controversy now, would but perplex the matter which we have in hand, which is simply to devise the best mode of purifying, preserving, and perpetuating our Church establishment, so that it may become, in the highest degree, efficient as an instrument for the moral and religious training of this great empire in the righteousness that exalteth a nation, as well as teaching them to eschew that sin which is a reproach to any people.

We know that our remedies, as far as they might be effectual, would only render our establishment more obnoxious to the censure of those who desire to see it overthrown. Whatever contributes to an efficiency which should strengthen it in the affections of the people, and thus afford an assurance of its permanency, could only aggravate the dislike of those who are resolved to be satisfied with nothing short of its destruction. But as a vast majority of our people are of a different mind, and would be well content to see our Church, as an establishment, continue to extend and to flourish, if only its functions were fairly administered, and it became, in reality, what it is in theory, and what it was ever intended to be, a great national institute for the purpose of bringing divine truth, in its saving efficacy, home to the hearts and the consciences of all sorts and conditions of men, we will proceed, without much regard to the scruples or the carpings of others, to specify such changes and alterations in its regimen and discipline, as appear to us just and necessary, and likely to contribute to its improvement.

Assuming, then, the episcopal regimen as the form of Church government most suited to the condition and circumstances of the country, and as possessing an apostolical authority, let us inquire whether there are or are not points of view, in which, as at present administered, it may be susceptible of improvement. And, first, respecting the appointment of bishops themselves.

At present, the sole power of nominating to that important office is

vested in the crown, and is usually exercised by the advice and with the concurrence of her majesty's principal minister. 'Do I," said James I., upon his arrival in England, as the successor of Elizabeth, "make the judges, do I make the bishops?" He was answered that such was part of the royal prerogative. "Then," observed the sagacious monarch, “I make both the law and the gospel !" This may be an exaggerated view of the power which he possessed, at a time when the legislature was composed entirely of members of the Established Church, and when the two houses of convocation were as regularly summoned to a practical attendance in their respective places of assembly, for the consideration of ecclesiastical affairs, as the houses of parliament for the temporal concerns of the kingdom. But it indicated the vast extent of influence which the sovereign even then enjoyed, and the high responsibility with which he was charged, when by his use or abuse of it he might so materially advance or obstruct the interests of true religion. The same power still exists in the sovereign; but how altered are the circumstances under which it is exerted! Formerly, not only all the principal advisers of the crown, but the entire legislature, should be members of the Established Church. Now, her majesty's prime minister may be a Papist, a Socinian, an infidel, or belong, or profess to belong, to any of the countless varieties of dissent; and the parliament may be composed of individuals, a considerable number of whom may be dissenters from, or violent antagonists to, the established religion. There therefore exists at present a danger to the Church, which did not exist in former times; and our first provision for its security would be to provide against that danger.

We believe there are few who will dissent from the opinion, that the character of our bishops must very materially affect the character and the efficiency of the Church of which they are the appointed governors. There are, we believe, none who will openly deny that a single view to the glory of God ought to direct and to regulate all such appointments; and we confidently assert that no one will have the hardihood to affirm, that, as appoint

ments are at present made, that great end is held steadily in view. If the minister be an irreligious man, or a man whose mind is predominantly worldly, he is careless of any such end. Such a one will often find an excuse for an appointment, dangerous or disparaging to the establishment, in its subserviency to political objects. He is embarrassed by an opposition, which he may divert or paralyze by sacrificing the interests of the Church, and he does not hesitate a moment to make such a sacrifice, which, after all, is no sacrifice to him, as, like Gallio of old, he cares for no such things. If he be a Dissenter, who objects to the government, or a Socinian, who objects to the religion of the Church of England, the case is no better. He will rejoice in the opportunity of disparaging and villifying a system to which he is conscientiously opposed, and any influence which he may have in Church appointments will be exercised in favour of those who most resemble himself in views and in doctrine, and by whom an obnoxious institute may be dilapidated or subverted.

We ask our Church readers, are these imaginary dangers? Do the times admonish us, or do they not, that there is a reality in the apprehension which we entertain, which will be felt in proportion to the value which men set upon the concerns of their immortal souls? And, if there be, can anything be more important than that churchmen should awaken to the duty of endeavouring, by every constitutional means, to protect their venerable establishment from the further progress of an evil, which threatens, first, its disparagement, and, finally, its destruction?

Let us, therefore, while there is yet time, bestow some calm consideration upon the best mode of averting these formidable dangers. Our first object should be to secure, as far as possible, a pure and incorruptible episcopacy. For this purpose, it will be necessary to modify, to a certain extent, the pre sent mode of episcopal nomination. And we pledge ourselves that in what we are about to propose, we will not infringe either upon the privileges of the order, or the prerogative of the

crown.

We would propose to take the power of nomination out of the hands of the prime minister, and vest it in

a commission, to be appointed as may hereafter be devised. The right of appointment would still vest in her majesty, in all its present plenitude; and the only effect of the change would be, to substitute one set of advisers for another. The first minister of the crown is never selected for that office, because of his ecclesiastical qualifications. The temporal affairs, which are the subjects of his cognizance, are quite sufficient to engross all his attention; and if, indeed, he sincerely desires to discharge his duty faithfully towards the Church, he must look to others for direction in his selection of men to fill its highest places. Our suggestion would, therefore, aim at no more than the substitution of responsible for irresponsible advisers. We would have, say nine, ecclesiastical commissioners appointed, to consist of such individuals as might be relied on for their attachment to the doctrine and discipline of the Church; and upon them we would devolve the duty of recommending to her majesty fit and proper persons to fill the office of bishop, whenever a vacancy should occur. It would still be no more obligatory upon the sovereign to attend to their advice, than it is at present to attend to the advice of the chief minister of the crown; but it would not be unreasonable to expect, that the same deference which is now paid to the one, would, in the case proposed, be paid to the other.

With respect to the appointment of the commissioners, our humble suggestion is, that it should be on this wise. Let her majesty issue her fiat to her archbishops, including the metropolitans of Great Britain and Ireland, to present to her a list of such individuals as they conceive may be best charged with such a duty, they themselves being of the number; and should her majesty deem it fitting to ratify their nomination, let such individuals constitute the council who may advise with her upon ecclesiastical

affairs.

It would, perhaps, be expedient that every newly consecrated bishop should be nominated a commissioner, the oldest of the members, after the archbishops, going out, as the new one came in; but in no case should the council be without the presence of all the metropolitans. Laymen, whose church principles might be relied on,

might, perhaps, advantageously constitute a part of the number.

Such a body, we conceive, might safely be entrusted with the recommendation of the individuals by whom vacancies upon the bench of bishops might be supplied. They would, we confidently believe, consider, in the first place, a fitness for the office as an indispensable prerequisite; and nominate no one who, in doctrine, learning, and morals, was not calculated to be a useful and vigilant overseer of the portion of the Church committed to his care. We would thus be secured against appointments which might be made with an utter indifference to such objects, in which parliamentary influ ence or personal connexions might be the moving causes of advancement to the highest dignities in the Church. We would be protected also against the no less formidable evil of appointments made with a direct view to its disparagement or deterioration. A Popish minister might so abuse his patronage, as that tares would soon appear amongst the wheat; a Socinian would not be long before his mischievous activity was exemplified, by the multiplication of hemlock and henbane. Against any such calamities, the Church, as at present circumstanced, is powerless. There is a law of opinion which constrains the sovereign to abide by the advice of her chosen counsellors; and these may sometimes be forced upon her, much against her will, by a tyrannous majority in the houses of parliament. They may consist of individuals either ignorant of the Church, indifferent about its interests, or disaffected to its constitution and government; in any of which cases most injurious appointments might be made. Against such evils we have, at present, no redress. The Church is the patient; and the empyric, or even the poisoner, must be taken as its physician. Could that happen in the case supposed, of a commission constituted as we have recommended? We confidently believe not. A council, composed of churchmen of exalted worth, whose single duty it was to consult for the interests of true religion, would not be lightly guilty of the profanation of recommending unworthy persons for the dignity of the mitre. Their cha racters would be a guarantee to the public against any flagrant abuse of their functions: and as long as they