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ON THE LINE OF CONDUCT WHICH OUGHT TO BE PURSUED BY CATHOLICS, TO EXALT THEIR RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLES IN PUBLIC OPINION.

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THE interest of this most important of all questions is manifestly increasing every day; and the conduct of the Stone-buildings club, communicated to the reader in my last, added to the sentiments maintained by my correspondent RATIO, affords a striking instance of the necessity which exists of correctly ascertaining the right rule which catholics ought to adopt, in the present situation of the country, to secure public opinion in favour of their religious principles, as that is the only secure basis on which they can rest their claims to civil emancipation. If we refer to the actions of our blessed Saviour, we find that he appealed to public opinion throughout his divine mission, not only by the exemplary and irreproachable manner of his life, avoiding and condemning the petty prejudices of the jews and the corruptions of the pharisees, and at the same time exhibiting the most unbounded charity to all men, but likewise by openly working the greatest miracles to convince the people of the divine power he possessed, though in appearance to ORTHOD. JOUR, VOL. VIII.

them but a man. His holy apostle and disciples, after receiving his commands to preach the gospel and the gifts of the Holy Ghost, enforced the truths of christianity among the jews and gentiles by an appeal to public opinion, and in direct opposition to the constituted authorities of the state, promulgated the new law of a crucified God, and the establishment of a spiritual kingdom, which was to embrace all nations. This kingdom was and is the catholic church, which, in all divisions and dissensions on matters of faith and discipline, has ever had recourse to public opinion, by the assembling of general councils, composed of divines selected from all parts of the world, who deliberated and decided on the subjects laid before them, which decisions were governed by were governed by a plurality of voices. In coming to these decisions, recourse was had not only to the writings of the fathers, but to tradition, which is public opinion, as to what was and what was not the belief and practice of men in preceding ages. Following the example of the catholic church, our ancestors, in founding the civil constitution, rested its basis on public opinion, regulated by certain fixed principles or facts, which give force and energy to the system, and serve as a point to direct the public voice, N

when time and innovation may have I constitution was totally destroyed caused inroads to be made in its dif- in appearance; but no sooner was ferent compartments. Thus, after his son recalled, than it was again the wars between Henry III and the restored, by public opinion, but not barons, when the constitution un- in its former splendour. The sanderwent a complete alteration, it was guinary laws which oppressed the again restored, with additional pri- catholics formed one of its appenvileges to the people, by the force dages, and thus it operated in favour of public opinion, in the succeeding of one part of the people, while it reign. Again, after the usurpation depressed and harrassed the other. of Henry IV, and after the contentions between the houses of York and Lancaster, the constitution was re-established upon all its ancientment, and the community were once foundations.

The abdication of the crown of England, by James II, left the kingdom without an executive govern

more called upon to exercise their We come now to a period when a ancient and indefeasible right of change in the religion of the coun- framing the constitution under try took place, and though it was which they meant to be governed. said to have been a releasement from "For," says justice Blackstone, the tyranny of the pope, yet it was speaking in his Commentaries on the followed by innovations on the ci- Laws of England, of the conduct of vil immunities of the people, and a James," whenever a question arises restraint on public opinion, in no between the society at large, and degree creditable to those who sub- any magistrate vested with powers mitted to the encroachments. By originally delegated by that society, means of packed parliaments, Henry it must be decided by the voice of VIII was invested with the most the society itself; there is not upon autocratical powers, and the lives earth any other tribunal to resort and property of his subjects were at to." Accordingly, a full assembly the mercy of his capricious will.- of the lords and commons met in Elizabeth suppressed the exercise of convention, as the representatives of public opinion, by enacting statutes the community, and framed a bill of which infringed on the freedom of rights, in which they claimed, dethe press, by making it penal to manded, and insisted upon all and print or import books written in de- singular the premises therein confence of the ancient faith, and em- tained, as their undoubted rights and powering magistrates to search the liberties. This compact was subhouses of individuals, at any hour, mitted to William III and Mary II, under pretence of having popish who, having assented to the same, books in their possession, which were proclaimed king and queen; they were authorized to burn.—and upon this tenure they held the Such were some of the measures sovereignty of these realms.adopted by the evangelical reform-"Since the first institution of civil ers of the sixteenth century, to stop the progress of public opinion in favour of the truth of religion; and the parliamentary reformers are now smarting under similar restraints, to stem the popular voice in favour of a return to the ancient maxims of the constitution. After the fall of Charles I, the in the people was so clearly demon

or political government upon earth," says Mr. Francis Plowden, a catholic barrister, in his Constitution of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, inscribed to the present lord Chancellor," there never existed an instance in which the transcendency of this sovereign right

strated as in our revolution of 1688. | right conclusion on the subject, I For in that temporary dissolution of will now proceed to discuss the rethe government, which was occa- maining points of my correspondsioned by the abandonment or dere- ent's letter, in the hope that when liction of it by the executive power, we are admitted to a participation of the people in reality and practice the privileges of a free constitution, carried their rights to an extent far we shall not be in danger of defiling beyond the speculative allowances ourselves with "pitch," but enjoy of the most unconfined theorists."- our rights with hands undefiled and Yet, he adds, "So well satisfied hearts animated with a sincere love were they of the general tenour of for true religion and true patriotism. the constitution and government, Wherever misrepresentation of truth that to such parts as they did not or a wrong conclusion exists, disthink fit to change and alter, they cussion alone can cure the evil; it very wisely endeavoured to add is therefore the bounden duty of all strength, vigour, and authority.". men to endeavour to elicit truth, and This amendment in the constitution remove the erroneous ideas which of the country, though favourable to may have taken possession of some the professors of protestantism, who minds, and more especially when formed the majority of the commu- religion will evidently be benefited nity, did not bring any benefits to by it. RATIO contends, that my de the believers in catholicity, whose nial of there being any semblance ancestors had formed and supported between the present situation of this the fundamental principles of that country and that of France, previous constitution. Public opinion, from to the late revolution, is a fallacy. the restraints which catholics la- He admits that the forms of governboured under in the exercise of the ment were dissimilar; but he asks, press, whereby they were prevented" Are not the principles which overfrom defending their civil and religious principles from the calumnies circulated freely against them, became infested with erroneous impressions, and the people laboured under an habitual prejudice of never separating the idea that popery and slavery were synonymous.Hence they considered that the greater their love of freedom, the more should be their detestation of popery, and hence we may infer the approbation so long given by the people of England to the sanguinary enactments of their legislators to persecute and harass the catholics, which continued for the space of two centuries, when circumstances occasioned a relaxation of the mercenary code, which disgraces the statute book of a nation calling itself civilized and free.

Having made these preliminary observations, so necessary to form a

turned that (the French) government widely disseminated in this nation?" This question he answers in the affirmative; and he goes on,→

What rule of political economy have such principles to revert to for the amelioration of the laws, or for redressing the grievances of the people? No rule whatever. You cannot be ignorant (he says) of the various degrees of reformists in this kingdom, as Spenceans, &c. &c. some for annual parliaments, some for this plan of election, some for that, &c. When these different opinions and parties begin to clash together, what can be expected but confusion, anarchy, bloodshed?— and where is the rule of economy for the redress of grievances? Oh, no! The overthrow of any government under such circumstances must be inevitable, and our constitution, so much admired, (I mean in its ge

wholly unaccustomed to representative rights, or any of those popular privileges which the people of Eng land had long enjoyed, and to which they are ardently attached at the present moment. I have shewn in my last number, that the encroachments of those who were appointed to rule, and not the insubordination of the ruled, occasioned, in the first instance, the destruction of the throne and the altar in France. Had the ministers of state and some few ministers of the church not given encouragement in their own persons to factious principles; had they governed with probity, and exhibited an exemplary line of conduct to the people, discontent would never have arisen to turn public opinion against them, but they would have been secured against the attacks of factious writers and demagogues in the good will and affections of the multitude. Unfortunately such was not the case; divisions increased, scandals multiplied, and the evil minded taking advantage of this state of things to poison public opinion, a revolution was effected in the state, which was soon followed in the

nuine state) would not be able to support the shock. The reform in an established government must be a work of time and caution; and though our charters were obtained under peculiar events, which may appear to militate against this position, yet, it must be considered, it was by degrees they were matured." Notwithstanding the disinclination expressed by RATIO to refer me to Dr. Slop, I cannot help considering him as penning the above passage under the influence of that hireling alarmist, who has rung the changes on revolution, blasphemy, sedition, and anarchy so repeatedly in the ears of his readers, that my correspondent seems as much terrified at the proceedings of the parliamentary reformers of this day, as the corporation of London were at the supposed machinations of the jesuits, in the time of Oates's infamous plot, when these loyal and affrighted cits ordered posts of defence to be put down, lest they should all rise one morning with their throats cut! Had RATIO not laboured under a fit of delusion; had he not been influenced with that temporizing spirit which is opposed to earnest discus-church, and there being no rule of sion and investigation, he would have come to a different conclusion than that which he seems to have formed on the state of parties in this country. For myself, I can discover no resemblance, speaking in general terms, between the relative state of the two countries s; and though I admit that infidel principles are disseminated in this coun-volutions, not however tending to try as they were in the former, yet I cannot see that the same revolutionary consequences must necessarily follow the circulation of them here.

In the first place, the government of France was absolute and despotic. For a long period of time no change in the form of government had taken place, and the French people wer

political economy in that country, all became confusion and anarchy. But although this was the case with France, it does not follow, as I before observed, that a change in our political system must be attended with the same deplorable events. Here we have a rule of political economy; here we have had changes and re

confusion, anarchy, and bloodshed, but to the extension of the indubitable rights of the people, and their attachment to the principles of the constitution.

I will here take a view of the state of parties, as they formerly existed and as they now exist, in order to place the question in the clearest light possible. As I have before no

ticed the restraints which catholics | against granting relief to the sufferwere placed under at the commence- ers, under the deluded notion that it ment of the change in religion, and was encouraging popery and slavery; the consequent bias which took and to evince the great respect which place in the public mind towards the petitioners entertained for the their civil and religious principles, laws and liberties of the country, it is unnecessary that I should go they proceeded to commit the most further back than the reign of that lawless devastations and outrages. monarch which has just closed, and Several catholic chapels were de under whose rule his catholic sub-stroyed, and many individuals of that jects obtained a partial relief from religion were in imminent danger of that state of degradation and pro- losing their lives. The prisons of scription which they had endured Newgate, the Fleet, and King's for two hundred years.-Previous to Bench were set on fire, and much the American war, the situation of greater mischief would have ensued, the catholics both in England and had not the military been called out, Ireland was that of outlaws-they when order was restored, but bigotwere debarred from exercising the ry was not subdued. Such was the right of conscience or even the most state of public opinion at that period. trivial privilege of the civil constitution, and instead of being under the protection of the law, they were the victims of its penal inflictions.-The ill success which attended the progress of that war, combined with the diffusion of the American spirit of liberty in Irelaud, induced the British cabinet to relax some of the severities of the penal code against the catholics in both countries in 1778. This approach to a liberal system of policy, however, was met by a circumstance of the most shocking and disgraceful nature, and manifested in the strongest light the bigotry and prejudice which then pervaded the people of England and Scotland. In consequence of some further relief being meditated by go-es, and it was therefore deemed expevernment in favour of the catholics, a combination was entered into in 1780, by persons of all ranks in different parts of the island, which took the name of The Protestant Association, and elected the notorious lord George Gordon to be its president. The inflammatory and fanatic conduct of this nobleman, occasioned a riotous and licentious mob to assemble in St. George's fields, from whence they went in a body to petition and intimidate parliament

A few years after this instance of religious bigotry and prejudice, the French revolution broke out, and the public mind became agitated with the question of parliamentary reform, in which latter question Mr. Grey, now Earl Grey, took a conspicuous share. Such was the general panic inspired by the ministerial press of the dangers attending au imbibition of French principles, that a great change in public opinion on civil matters was effected, and men who formerly had been looked up to as the advocates of constitutional liberty were now designated by the terms Jacobins and Democrats.-Io, Ireland the spirit of freedom was spreading through all class

dientby ministers to securethe affections of the catholics of both countries, by granting them some further privileges. Accordingly, in 1791, the English catholics were allowed by law the free exercise of their religion, with some other trifling advantages, and the very important benefit of the press. This relief was extended iu 1793 to the Irish catholics, together with the elective franchise and eligibility to the army and magistracy.-From this time

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