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the Queen's interest, hated Bothwell as a perfidious villain, from whom his own life was in danger."1 "Sir William Matlane had joined

himself before to the Lords for hatred of Bothwell. Now being rid of him he writeth to the Queen offering his service; sheweth how it might stand her in good stead by the apologue of the mouse delivering the lion taken in the nets." 2 The testimony of Melville, Herries, Nau, and other contemporary writers, is to the same effect; Maitland was not a traitor; though he left the Court he did not desert the Queen. "He only sought to rescue her from Bothwell." Throckmorton, to whose interesting letters I must refer at greater length immediately, was sent by Elizabeth to Scotland to remonstrate with the Lords, and at Fast Castle he was met by Maitland. Maitland was for Mary, Throckmorton emphatically declared, but he added despondently," God knows he is fortified with very slender company in this opinion."

In one respect Throckmorton was mistaken. The Lords, indeed, would have had him believe

1 Buchanan, Book xix.

2 Calderwood, ii. 371. Nau says, "Lethington sent a small oval ornament of gold on which was ennamelled Æsop's fable of the lion enclosed in the

net, with these words in Italian written round it,—' A chi basto l'animo, non mancano le forze.'"-Memorials, p. 59.

3 Leslie's Narrative, Scottish Catholics, p. 125.

that Mary was hated by the people, who were eager for her execution. So far as the Knoxian fanatics and the rabble of the capital were concerned, this was possibly true enough. Throckmorton mentions that the Ecclesiastical Convention was again in session; and it was from the lips of these austere zealots that the sentence of death proceeded. Knox himself, it need not be doubted, would, with the zest of a Hebrew prophet, have hewed the idolatress in pieces before the Lord. But the Knoxian fanatics and the rabble of the capital were not the people of Scotland. This is the mistake that so many modern historians have made,-they have confounded the nation at large with an active and organised minority. To do them justice, Knox and his allies did not deny that they were the minority; on the contrary, they gloried in their numerical inferiority. The Lord was on their side; it mattered not who was against them. Knox never wearied of repeating that the most part of men were addicted to idolatry. Edinburgh was the stronghold of the precise Protestants; but when it was proposed to take a plebiscite of the citizens as to what form of religion should be provisionally established, "the hail brethren of the Congregation within this vehemently objected. They could not consent, they said, that "God's truth should be

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subject to voting of man;' for it is na new thing but mair nor notour that fra the beginning of the wide warld to this day, and even now in all countries and touns, the maist part of men has ever been against God and His house."1 In a pastoral letter, written by Knox after Mary had escaped from Lochleven, he expressed his deep regret that they had not put her to death when she was in their hands. The danger would not have been great, he added, "for although in number the wicked might have exceeded the faithful," yet" the little flock" would have been as victorious as in former contests. So that it is a mistake to assume that in July 1567 the nation was hostile to Mary. The mass of the people had been taken unawares; they believed the Lords when they declared that they were fighting for the Queen; and before the fraud was discovered the mischief was done. The Confederates at Carberry, to use a familiar phrase, won by a fluke. It is universally admitted that had the Queen remained at Dunbar, "could she have had patience to stay at Dunbar for three or four days without any stir," the Lords would have dispersed. "The people did not join as was expected;" the leaders were divided; some were adversaries, some were neu

1 Keith, i. 487.

2 Keith, iii. 199.

trals; "so that they were even thinking to dissolve, and leave off their enterprise to another time, and had absolutely done so." That is Knox's admission; Buchanan's is even more unqualified. "Wherefore the ardour of the people having subsided, perceiving no likelihood of their rising being successful, and almost reduced to extremity, they already deliberated about dispersing without accomplishing their design."2 But a fatal imprudence brought Mary to Carberry Hill. Yet in spite of calumny and calamity, the sympathy of the people could not be restrained. The tide, if it had ever run against her, suddenly turned. The Lords could not count even upon the Edinburgh rabble; for the democracy of the capital was as fickle as it was fierce. The narrative of the events that immediately followed Carberry, as given in the 'Historie of King James the Sext,' is extremely instructive. "She being credulous rendered herself willingly to the Lords; who irreverently brought her into Edinburgh about seven hours at even, and keepit her straightly within the Provost's lodging in the chief street; and on the morn fixit a white banner in her sight, wherein was painted the effigy of King Henry her husband, lying deed at the root of a green growing tree, and the

1 Knox, ii. 558.

2 Buchanan, Book xviii.

picture of the young Prince sitting on his knees with his hands and countenance toward heaven, with this inscription, Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord! This sight greivit her greatumlie, and therefore she burst forth exceeding tears, with exclamation against these Lords wha held her in captivitie, crying to the people for Christ's cause to relieve her from the hands of these tyrants. The people of the town convenit to her in great number, and perceiving her so afflicted in mind had pitie and compassion of her estait. The Lords perceiving that, came unto her with dissimulat countenance, with reverence and fair speeches, and said that their intention was noways to thrall her, and therefore immediately would repone her with freedom to her ain palace of Halyruidhouse, to do as she list; whereby she was so pacified as the people willingly departed; And on the next evening, to colour their pretences, conveyed her to the palace, and then assembled themselves in counsel to advise what should be thought best to be done; And it was decernit, that immediately she should be transported to the fortalice of Lochleven, and there to be detenit in captivitie during her life, and constranit to transfer the authority of her Crown from her person to the young Prince her son; to the end that they might rule as they listed, without any controul of lawful authority;

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