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this be effected? It can only be by force of arms, not by force of law; and poor President Vargas, if he waited for his restitution by the latter, might have remained at St. Thomas's until he had eaten the Danish governor out of his government.

He has since, in fact, been restored to his authority by aid of the persuasive bayonet; but the germ of revolt still exists. Puerto Cabello, a fortress of the first importance, remains, up to our last advices, in the possession of the insurgents; while the smoking ruins and the wandering troops of mendicants, shew how pitiless and unWe will ask of sparing is civil war. the merchant, the speculator, and the manufacturer, of what value is the recognition by Spain of such a republic as this? Why, every town will in the end be independent—

"Those will take who have the power, And those will keep who can.'

"

Thus is situated one portion of old Colombia. We may fairly say old, for she has dipped deep in the debauchery of revolution, and a premature decay is her reward.

New Granada, another of the three divisions, is (and our readers will doubtless scarcely credit the assertion) at the present moment absolutely unrevolutionised; but we would by no means guarantee its so remaining, even to the appearance of the next Number of REGINA. The accounts before us state that the congress had finished its sitting, with apparently about as brilliant results as might be expected from St. Stephen's, if Mr. Roebuck were premier, and Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey the lord high chancellor.

The third estate, however, that of the Equador, is enjoying the full luxury of civil war- -is actually rioting in independence and liberty. General Flores, the president (we believe of his own electing), is opposed by General something or other. Towns are sacked, throats are cut, proclamations are issued, battles (with five missing and one killed) are fought; and that extremely useless appanage to a nation, known by the name of commerce, is destroyed or forgotten. Such is the third division of the Colombian republic; and we again take leave to ask of what worth is the recognition of donco of this republic by

English merchant, or the English cre-
ditor?

In Peru, matters are in a still worse
state; and the course of events there
places "independence" in a most ridi-
culous light. The "pomp and circum-
of the official affairs of this
stance
republic remind us forcibly of the three
tailors of Tooley Street, who transmo-
grified themselves, in their address to
the government, into "the people of
England."

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Of the precise number of revolutions
and constitutions Peru has been blessed
with since her" casting off the yoke,"
we profess to be in a great measure
ignorant. All we know is that they
have been "plentiful as blackberries,"
and that, like the shadows in Macbeth,
a wreck
president after president has flitted
away, leaving nothing but "
behind."

It is to the present, not the past, situation of Peru, to which our remarks will apply a condition that will prove the recognition of its independence a mockery, and its claim to the dignity of an independent state a farce. It is somewhat difficult to say who is the actual president of this republic, there being at the last accounts from thence no less than three "Richmonds in the field," who have torn the unfortunate nation into three pieces, and who, each with his own peculiar band of ragamuffins, is ravaging, under some atrocious pretext, the whole extent of the republic. Some few months since one Obregesto was elected president of the state; and, after a sharp contest with his predecessor, General Gamarra

who, although his legitimate and constitutional period of service had expired, thought the power of mulcting, with impunity and without risk, too good a thing to be parted with quietly

-who, in fact, clung to the presidential chair as the itinerant ex-chancellor did to the woolsack,—we repeat, after a sharp contest, this Obregesto was acknowledged at Lima, General Gamarra sent into banishment, "tranquillity," as a moment's cessation of anarchy is called, was restored, and the half-beggared trader began again in the circles of commerce to exhibit the fragments of his plundered store. Tranquillity, it is evident, is an exceedingly unpopular article in the new world; and Peru has decidedly furnished no exception to this particale had

time to warm his presidential cushion, before a certain great unknown, delighting in the name of Salavery, and who had the command of the garrison of Callao (the port of Lima), which garrison consisted of "a tail of 250 desperadoes, thought fit to make a dash at the wares of the merchant; and accordingly marched with his troops (if we may be excused the libel) against Lima. Obregesto, who seems to have been animated with all the heroic valour of les braves Belges, thinking "discretion was the better part of valour," with a Humeish economy, preferred flight to the wasting of "villanous gunpowder," and accordingly decamped, bag and baggage, without beat of drum, leaving the people of the capital to the tender mercies of General Salavery's "tail." The latter, masters of Lima, did what all "tails" may be expected to do, if they are furnished with the opportunity. They tacked to their motto of liberty, that of equality commenced a sort of division of goods and chattels -levied a series of voluntary contributions and where perverseness was displayed, they did as other eminent freedom-mongers are famed for doing, -they imprisoned them for "refusing to answer." Here we have two competitors for the plunder of Peru, on the scene of action, and a third subsequently appeared in the person of General Nieto; whose pretensions are doubtless of magnitude, although we blush to acknowledge we are among the few who never heard of him before. Peru is, consequently, at the present moment in the enviable state of having one line of ports blockaded by Salavery; her chief port of Callao, by Nieto; while Obregesto is, locust-like, advancing from Cuzeo against her capital; and thus does there exist in this republic a general withdrawal of all confidence, an utter stagnation of trade, one unsparing range of bankruptcy, and a complete dissolution of all those ties by which a nation is bound together.

May we not ask here, whether a people whom a rabble of 250 tatterdemalions can revolutionise (we are aware a smaller body of similar characters are attempting such on a mightier scale, but they must fail) is entitled to be considered an independent state? If so, there is not a province in Ireland that ought not so to be independentionised, nor a brawler

of the tail" who ought not to be a crowned monarch of the same.

What, then, will the recognition of Peru do for those to whom she is indebted, or to those who were lured to her shores by the hope of peaceful traffic, and have been plundered of their hopes and property by the brigand dissensions of her dishonest authorities?

If any recognition by Spain should dupe the English merchant to venture his wares into the ports of Peru, from an idea that the republic must progress in consequence, he will lose his ventures, and he will deserve to lose them.

If, on the other hand, this recognition should form, as we think that it very likely will, a pretext for a new attack upon the pockets of our capitalists, we have only to say that they must be loan-mad indeed, if they are duped to make advances to governments, as short-lived as a Whig administration, and about as honest as the faction supporting it.

Central America, or, as it is otherwise called, Guatemala, for any thing we can learn to the contrary, may have "gone to the tomb of all the Capulets." Whether the earthquake, by which Chili has been devastated, has swallowed it up-whether, like the Kilkenny cats, the two factions by which it was divided have devoured each other or whether it has come in "collision" with the comet and received a parting singe, we are, at the moment of inditing this, utterly unable to determine. We only know that, at the last advices, the constitution appeared in a very rickety condition, and that there was every symptom that "the crisis had commenced."

The republic of Buenos Ayres, or, more properly, the Argentine Republic, holds a most distinguished place in the annals of anarchical liberty; she is, in truth, a perfect specimen of radical freedom. After a monthly course of revolution, regularly perpetrated through a series of years, Gen. Rosas has been declared dictator, with powers far exceeding those of Sylla, all moderate modes of government having been found utterly insufficient to secure even the tranquillity of a year. One of the most eminent of the military chiefs of the republic, General Quiroga, has been recently offered up at the shrine of independence, having been most barbarously butchered, with all his suite, on his return from the

interior to Buenos Ayres. Insurrection has been perpetually breaking out in one or other of the Argentine provinces -constitution upon constitution has been promulgated, and as rapidly violated or overturned. The commerce of the country is prostrated—its credit is a dead letter; and, as a last resource, the republic has sought shelter under a despotism to which the rule of the parent state was a rule of milk and honey. Will the recognition of the independence of Buenos Ayres by Spain redeem its solvency, revive its trade, reorganise its finances, repeople its bankrupt ports, recrowd its abandoned harbours? Will it, in fact, do any thing? Not a jot, not a jot.

The state of Mexico is rapidly advancing towards monarchy, and there seems little doubt that ere long General Santa Anna, the present president, will assume the diadem. The people of the republic have this consolation, that any change must be for their advantage; for here, as with the other ex-colonies of Spain, one revolution has been but the precursor of another. Of all the republics of the new world, Mexico teems most with natural wealth; and but for the perpetual usurpations to which this state has been subjected, its station must have been high on the map of nations. As it is, from the time of Ÿturbide to the present day, some petty tyrant has played his upstart hour, has trifled with the welfare of the community, has looked only for selfish gratification, has acted as the freebooter would to the traveller he had overcome-pillaged and disappeared. Each province of this republic has indeed, under its military governors, been in a great measure independent of the central government; and each of these functionaries has ever been more anxious to advance his own individual influence, with a view to the ultimate seizure of the supreme authority, than to govern that portion delegated to his rule, in such a fashion as would turn its resources to the general good, and by unity produce prosperity and peace. The assumption of the chief authority by Santa Anna (this, too, was effected by revolution) cannot but be considered as promising future benefit to Mexico. Prior to his seizure of power, some three or four feeble parties were alternately overthrowing each other. The laws of the one were

of the other; and these, again, were rescinded by the temporary supremacy of a third. But the party at the head of which President Santa Anna is now placed has, like the brazen serpent of Moses, devoured the feebler ones by which it was surrounded; and the energy of mind, the decision, and the daring promptness of its leader, seem all to infer that if the mailed hand grasps with apparent violence now, it is that it may hereafter cast away its gauntlet, and tender, without fear of its being trampled upon, the healing olivebranch. The (recently terminated) revolt of the state of Jacatecas has even been the source of benefit. It has brought the president in immediate contact with one of those subordinate governors who were almost independent of the power by which they had been appointed; it has shewn these functionaries that the law has set a boundary to their authority, and that submission to the general government is not only provided for by the constitution, but will be enforced by those in whose hands has been placed the power of doing so. In his proceedings against this insurgent state, and its leader, Alvarez, the president has shewn his determination that the laws of the republic shall be enforced; while the clemency he has displayed since his conquest is equal proof that it was to support those laws, and not for the purposes of vengeance, that he marched against his fellow-citizens; and that he did not forget that those he was compelled to chastise were a portion of that great republican family of which he was a member.

Mexico has, during the past year, undergone an entire and most important change of government; the abolition of the federal system, so generally prayed for, having been effected; and the "plan of Toluco," by which centralism was established, having been adopted. Under such an amelioration of rule, it was expected that Mexico would have rapidly risen from that prostration she has so long been degraded by; when, from an unexpected quarter, has an additional curse appeared, and withered every idea of the early progress of the republic. Texas, a large district of the northern part of Mexico, dividing it from Louisiana, one of the United States, has suddenly taken up arms against the government and is at the present

moment, in open rebellion; having defeated the government forces, seized upon several important places, and having even attempted the port of Tampico itself. Texas is almost entirely inhabited by American adventurers, who having, in the first instance, received permission to locate in the territory, have speedily followed up the permission by demanding that Texas should be formed into a province that it should have the power of returning members to the congress of Mexico - that, in point of fact, "emancipation," thorough and complete, should be awarded; and this not being immediately complied with, they have flown to arms, determined (as the elegant phrase of the Reformers is) to "go the whole hog." Our last intelligence from this quarter left the two parties shooting each other's prisoners in cold blood, and with true "Christino" barbarity.

With this picture before them, the well-wishers of Mexico can scarcely be led away by an idea that the recognition hinted at by Spain will, in any shape, tend to the advancement of the republic. Spain has no commercial wealth to pour into the lap of the recognised state. She possesses nought by which that germ of prosperity, barter, can be effected. She is but a beggared, bankrupt, and divided nation, much more likely to stifle those to whom she proffers her embrace than to advantage them. It is to the natural properties of Mexico, to the duration of her government, to the permanent operation of her civil and commercial legislation, that those interested must turn. A restoration of confidence can only result from positive proof of a stable government having been formed. A perpetual changing of system frightens the merchant from the port. He will not ship his merchandise under the faith of regulations propounded by A, when they are liable to be retaxed by those of an entirely opposite character enacted by B; and may afterwards be confiscated by some still more recent determination of C. He will not fill his stores with goods, liable to daily pillage by the lawless troops of a feeble government, or the sans culottes bands of an ambitious rebel. Stability of government can alone create commerce; and the Spanish recognition is a mere sheet of parchment wasted, if the so

vereignty of the state is blown about like a weathercock by the party puff of any faction or individual. It must never be lost sight of, that as the nonrecognition of Mexican independence by Spain has in no shape been the origin of the too frequent revolutions to which the republic has been subjected, so will the recognition of it have as little to do with the prevention

of their renewal.

With respect to Chili, we have few words to say-the republic, so far as revolt is concerned, is quiet. An earthquake has done much damage in some of its provinces; and it has not yet paid either interest or principal of its foreign debt-and, we may add, we believe never will.

Of the republics of Bolivia and Guatamala little is known, and little, consequently, need be said. They are states worthy of having Mr. Spring Rice as their chancellor of the exchequer; and he would be equally worthy of the budget they would enable him to produce. There would be no anxiety for its early production

whether at the beginning of the session, the end of the session, or after the session, would be of small moment. In fact, should that tardy and right honourable gentleman to whom we have alluded, after the termination of his pro tem. financial capacity here, feel disposed to throw himself into "the tide of emigration," from a perfect, accurate, and impartial knowledge of his peculiar talent, we do not hesitate to recommend him to seek that current by which he will be borne to one or other of these republics.

We may conclude this, our brief review of the present position of the republics of the new world, by conjuring the merchant, capitalist, trader, and speculator, not to be gulled by the bugbear "recognition." It is a measure merely adopted by the existing Spanish ministry for the sake of mobfavour- -a sop in the pan for the radical and republican ragamuffins of Madrid a mere mountebank phrase, to enable our O'Connell administration to laud to our Destructives the "Liberal measures" of that regency, in support of which they have sent out some few thousands of luckless victims, to relieve the parochial burdens, and receive their quietus.

FEMALE EDUCATION, AND MODERN MATCH-MAKING.

WE intended to review this work at some length, but it is written in such an ill-humoured, querulous strain, as completely to destroy any pleasure that might arise from a perusal of many of the truisms contained in it; we shall, therefore, content ourselves by occasionally directing the stream of the author's remarks into a meadow of our own creation. And here let us hint to him, that it is just as easy to be impressive and good-humoured at the same time, as to be the contrary; and we are sure there can be no difference of opinion as to which is most agreeable. We have only enjoyed one laugh during the perusal of the whole two volumes. It is a note to Chapter I., and is introduced for the amiable purpose of proving that most of the mischief that happens in the world may be attributed, in some way or other, to women. It is not the author's own, being an extract from Captain Skinner's amusing Excursions in India:

:

"Who is she?' a rajah was in the habit of asking, whenever a calamity was related to him, however severe, or however trivial. His attendants reported to him one morning that a labourer had fallen from a scaffold, when working at his palace, and had broken his neck. Who is she?' demanded the rajah. A manno woman, great prince,' was the reply. Who is she?' repeated the rajah, with increased anger. In vain did the attendants assert the manhood of the labourer. Bring me instant intelligence what woman caused this accident, or wo upon your heads!' exclaimed the prince. In an hour the active attendants returned, and, prostrating themselves, cried out, 'O wise and powerful prince! as the illfated labourer was working on the scaffold, he was attracted by the beauty of one of your highness's damsels, and, gazing on her, lost his balance, and fell to the ground.'You hear now,' said the prince, no accident can happen without a woman being in some way an instrument.'

The author labours hard to prove that women have gained a false eminence in society, and are less intellectual now than they were in former times; but it is our firm conviction, that whatever frivolity of conduct and lightness of

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mind may be supposed to be the characteristic of Englishwomen at the present day, is nearly altogether attributable to the example and influence of men, working on the substratum of a faulty and defective education. No one, we think, who has mixed in society, will deny that there is a very marked increase of vice, profligacy, and effeminacy, among the youths of the rising generation over their immediate predecessors. We would not stoop to the consideration of the subject were their foibles the foibles of youth, which coming sense and ripening years might rectify; but we say that their tastes, habits, and pursuits have not even the recommendation of manliness to excuse them, and are such as advancing years will confirm rather than reclaim. True it is that some will point to the increase of field-sports in refutation of our position; but all men who know any thing of the matter are aware that two-thirds of the well-mounted sportsmen who appear at our cover-sides on a hunting morning, are there more for the sake of fashion, and of turning out in a scarlet coat, than from any real inclination for the sport. Indeed, in many countries these dandified gentlemen are an absolute impediment to the sport of others; and, if we may credit the statement of that able writer, Nimrod, in a recent number of the New Sporting Magazine (a periodical that fearlessly lashes the vices and follies of the times), the generality of them have not nerve enough to face a fence until they have acquired what is called "Dutch courage," by copious drams of eau de vie. And how should it be otherwise, when, perhaps, the majority of them have spent the night at the gaming-table, converting the renovating hours of rest into day?

Nor is it difficult to trace the increase of effeminacy among the rising generation to its proper source. The free and unrestrained intercourse this country has now enjoyed for many years with the Continent has enabled our countrymen, always forward in the pursuit of pleasure, to acquire and engraft all the laxities and levities of southern freedom on the well-grown hardy plant of English corruption,-to

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