invitation from the Archdeacons of the diocese, has convened together the Rural Deans in their respective archdeaconries. In these meetings, a short, but emphatic form of PETITION to PARLIAMENT, against the measure in question, has been resolved on. A similar invitation has then been issued by the Rural Deans, to the Parochial Clergy within their different Rural Deaneries. By these assemblies, the form of the Petition has been discussed, adopted, or modified, as the case might be. Every clergyman has then received a copy of it; conveyed it to his parish; deposited it in a place easy of access to all his parishioners; and notified to them, that it was open for the signature of all those, who should feel an inclination, to put their hands to such an intimation of dissent to CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.

That this example will be followed in other dioceses, and a plan so grave and dignified, be generally acted on, through the country, as soon as it is generally known, may, I should hope, be reasonably anticipated. Some little time, however, must necessarily elapse, before its universal adoption; and it would seem to be far from an useless application of the interval, to prepare the mind of the PROTESTANT PUBLIC, for a readiness to avail themselves of

such an opportunity, of expressing their reluctance to the removal of Catholic disabilities: by laying before them, clearly and plainly, the reasons which should induce them to embrace it.

To this object, the following pages are devoted; in which it is proposed, to exhibit, in a series of PROPOSITIONS, these several pointsthe nature of the DISABILITIES, or RESTRICTIONS, of which the Roman Catholics complain-the PRINCIPLES upon which they demand relief— an exposition of the MISAPPLICATION of these principles to their case—the REASONS why such a demand should not be granted-the CAUSES which would render any PARTIAL ACCOMMODATION to their demand, injurious to the state; and any SECURITIES conceded on their part, no sufficient guarantee for its eventual safety.

The APPENDIX contains two important documents. 1st. The CORONATION OATH, and form of administering it: "the sacred pledge,” (as I have said on another occasion *,) "which fixes our august sovereign, legally and constitutionally, on the throne of his PROTESTANT ANCESTORS; and roots him deeply and firmly, in the

* "What must I do to be saved? or, Pulpit Instruction, "according to the Scriptures," p. 37. Rivingtons, St. Paul's Church-Yard: 24th December, 1828.

hearts of his enlightened people ;"—a guarantee of our religious and political liberty, that should be as familiar as his spelling-book, to every British subject. And, 2nd, the SPEECH of his late lamented Royal Highness, the DUKE of YORK, in the House of Lords, on the Catholic question; a speech that ought to be written, "as with a graver," on every Briton's heart: a speech, valuable on many accounts; but chiefly so, as echoing the sentiments of his departed ROYAL FATHER, and of almost every branch of our revered and illustrious ROYAL FAMILY.

Into the language of my propositions, I trust, that the deep feeling with which I wrote them, has introduced nothing, unbecoming the charity of a Christian, or, the courtesy of a gentleman. Of the Roman Catholic NOBILITY and GENTRY of these realms, I think, and would always speak, with high esteem: for I cannot but respect the motives of conscientious men, when their sincerity is evidenced, at the expense of a sacrifice of temporal interest: nor can I do otherwise than admire that honour, gallantry, and loyalty, which full often have been "weighed in the balance," and seldom "found wanting."

Of the LOWER CLASSES of the Papists in Ireland, I think with the sincerest pity and com

passion as ground to the earth, or stripped to the skin, by local oppressions and exactions: as deluded and infuriated, by interested factious leaders; and blinded and brutified by an ignorant and bigotted clergy.

Were I to speak of the Papal PRIESTHOOD, indeed, I should only express the convictions of most minds, which are not altogether unenlightened; that, for the greater part, (God forbid! that I should believe without exceptions) it is their constant object (and they attain it) to hold the consciences of the high and low, in a state of degrading vassalage; and to maintain an eternal despotism over their minds, by the influence of a puerile, but appalling superstition and that they would, one and all," rejoice and be exceeding glad," to see the Church of Rome, in possession, once more, of its former power and property in Britain: and this land of light, liberty, and reformed religion, again, and for ever, over-run, with

"White, black, and grey, with all their trumpery."

PROPOSITIONS.

I. The DISABILITIES complained of by the BRITISH ROMAN CATHOLICS, are as follow: a ROMAN CATHOLIC cannot, by the existing law of the land, be a KING'S MINISTER: nor a member of the PRIVY COUNCIL: nor a member of either HOUSE of PARLIAMENT: nor JUDGE:

nor an ATTORNEY-GENERAL: nor a SOLICITORGENERAL: nor a KING'S-COUNSEL : nor a MASTER in CHANCERY: nor a RECORDER: nor a sERJEANT at LAW: nor, consequently, any one of the officers, whose situations require that rank, in the profession of the law: nor an UNDER

SHERIFF: nor a TOWN-CLERK: nor a CLERK of the PEACE: nor a MASTER-EXTRAORDINARY in CHANCERY, (though he may hold a commission for swearing affidavits in the Court of King's Bench:) nor a JUSTICE of the PEACE, in EngLAND, (in IRELAND he may act as such:) nor, can he be a member of a CORPORATION : nor a CIVILIAN: nor act as a PHYSICIAN, except on sufferance: nor can he, in ENGLAND, vote for a MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT, (but in IRELAND he