authorized to arrest, at two leagues distance from her frontier, French rebels, who conspired against their own country, and who, by the nature of their plots, as well as by the terrible evidence which corroborated them, had placed themselves out of the protection of the law of nations. The German Princes having thus been satisfied, the First Consul would have nothing to say to the Emperor of Russia on a point which does not in the least concern his interest: but he will always be happy to speak to his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, with that openness which Europe knows he possesses, which only is becoming great and powerful States. It it be the intention of his Majesty to form a new coalition in Europe, and to recommence the war, what need is there for empty pretences, and why not act more openly? Much as the renewal of hostilities would grieve the First Consul, he knows no man in the world that could put France in fear; no man whom he would suffer to interfere in the internal concerns in the country; and since he himself does not meddle with the parties or opinions between which Russia may be divided, his Imperial Majesty can have no right to meddle with the parties or opinions between which France may be divided. In the note, Sir, which you have delivered, you require That France should employ the most efficacious means to tranquillize the different governments, and to let an order of things cease in Europe, which is too alarming for their security and independence.' But is not this independence of the States of Europe attacked, if it appears that Russia protects and maintains, at Dresden and at Rome, authors of plots, who seek to abuse the privilege of their residence, for the purpose of disquieting the neighbouring states and if the Russian ministers at most of the Courts of Europe pretend to place under the protection of the law of nations, persons who are natives of that very country where those ministers reside, as M. de Marcoff wanted to do at Paris with a Genevese? These are real infringements of the independence of the States of Europe; these are the very infringements which ought to excite their vigorous remon strances. The circumstance against which an outcry is raised, is of a very different nature. By the Treaty of Luneville, Germany and France had mutually engaged to allow no asylum to any of those men who could disturb their respective tranquillity. The emigrants who resided at Baden, at Friburg, at Dresden, &c. were by that treaty not to be suffered in the German Empire; and this circumstance shews what real impropriety there was in the conduct of Russia.-France

requires of her to remove emigrants who were in the employment of Russia, at the time when the two countries were at war, from countries where they rendered them. selves conspicuous only by their intrigues; and Russia insists upon maintaining them there; and the remonstrance she now makes, leads to this question:-If, when England planned the murder of Paul I. (supposing intelligence to have been received, that the authors of the plot were at a league from the frontier), would not pains have been taken to arrest them?-The First Consul hopes that his Imperial Majesty, whose excellent mind' and noble character are so well known, will sooner or later perceive that there are men who avail themselves of every means to raise enemies to France, and who thereby seck to make a diversion, and rekindle the flames of a war, which is advantageous only to England. This war never will take place with the First Consul's consent; but whosoever may declare it against him, he shall ever prefer it to a state of things which should tend to destroy that equality between great powers, which tend to the detriment of France.-And as he does not arrogate to himself any supe riority, and does not interfere with any ope ration of the Russian Cabinet, he demands a perfect reciprocity in this respect. I continue, Sir, firmly to hope, that declarations so candid will be fully appreciated by your Court, and that they will tend to dispel the clouds which malice spreads between our countries with a success greatly to be lament. ed. Accept, Sir, the assurance of my perfect esteem, &c.

Note presented by M. d'Oubril, Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs. Paris, July

21, 1804.

The note, which the Citizen Minister of Foreign Affairs transmitted to the Undersigned Chargé d'Affaires from his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, he did not fail to transmit to St. Petersburgh; but the undersigned has to declare, that his Court greatly disapproved his receiving a paper, which did not answer his preceding official communications, and was by no means cal culated to be laid before his august Sove. reign. The said paper, however, at length came under the notice of his Imperial Ma jesty, who saw, with surprise, that its contents consist altogether of such assertions as are not only unfounded, but also wholly un connected with the note of the 22d April. The Emperor, already moved by the calami ties which oppress a great part of Europe, and by the dangers which threaten the Ger

SO SA BLUNY

man Empire, whose interests Russia is par ticularly bound to support, in conformity to her obligations, received intelligence of another recent violation of the law of nations, which was perpetrated at Ettenheim, he, therefore, thought himself bound to invite the as embled States of the German Empire, and the German Princes, to concur with him in jonty protesting against the French government, to whom his Majesty communicated the same sentiments, in hopes that it would repair the insult offered to the German League. and allay the fears of Europe for the repetition of similar outrages.--The French government could not avoid to return an answer to this plain declaration from his Majesty the Emperor; but the evasive reply which was made, is offensive to Russia, to the German Empire, and to France herself; it impairs the good understanding which she declares her wish to preserve, but the effects whereof Russia has not hitherto perceived. "We live no longer in tho e barbarous times when every country regarded only her immediate interest; modern poJity, founded upon the Law of Nations, has introduced certain principles, respecting the interest of the whole community of states. No state could view with indifference the event already mentioned, which gave such a dreadful blow to the independence and security of nations. By the peace of Teschen, Russia undertook to guarantee and mediate for the German Empire; in this quality, his Imperial Majesty was not merely justified in raising his voice on this occasion, but was absolutely bound to do it. The French government, bearing a similar quality, takes the liberty of violating the neutrality of Germany, and to act arbitrarily on that territory. It is difficult to conceive how his Imperial Majesty should be incompetent to stand up for the German Empire, the security and independence of which he has guaranteed. It would be in vain to attempt to explain otherwise the conduct of Russia, whose motives are so evident, or to discover therein the influence of the enemies of France; its sole motive is the wretched condition to which the French government, by its influence, has reduced Europe. Should Russia propose to establish a coalition, for the purpose of renewing the war on the Continent, it would not at all be required to seek any unfounded cause for it. The French government has long given too much and too just cause for breaking the bands of harmony, which the Emperor has preserved merely by his moderation, and which he desired to preserve tor ever. No person, and the French government least of all, can mistake the views of the

| Cabinet of St. Petersburgh, since his Imperial Majesty so explicitly declared, even before the present war, how necessary it was to labour for the consolidation of peace; to prevent new revolutions in Europe, to avoid carefully every cause for mistrust; and to let every state quietly enjoy its independence. At the same time, Russia disclosed to the French cabinet, how much she desired that: this latter power might contribute to conso-. lidate the present order of things; that it should, by its moderation and disinterested-ness, give a hope to the other States of Europe, that every government could at last (after the unhappy war, which cost so much blood) devote itself, with safety and quiet, to the happiness of the people entrusted to it. Far from desiring to rekindle the flames of war on the Continent, his Russian Majesty. most ardently wishes to stifle those flames every where; but his Majesty harbours this particular wish, that the French government, as it pretends to the same desire, would let those nations alone, who wish nothing more fervently than to avoid taking a part in the present troubles. This was the only (though unfortunately for the cause of humanity, it proved an ineffectual) wish of Russia, which never deviated from those principles; every step she took with the French government, which she constantly referred to treaties already concluded, had no other view. Upon the sim ground she proposed to act as a mediator between France and England, but was not accepted. Since the renewal of the war, the French government thinks itself competent to occupy those countries, and deprive them of their commerce which in vain appeal to their neutra lity; his Imperial Majesty was thereby alarmed, not indeed on his own account, since, from the actual situation and power of his Empire, his Majesty can remain a quiet spectator of those distressing scenes; but he was alarmed for the security of the other States of Europe. His Majesty repestedly urged with the French germe t, but always ineffectually, that those countries at least should be permitted to remain neutral, whose neutra, lity France and Russia had guaranteed by mutual treaties; his Majesty al-o repeatedly disclosed his sentiments with respect to those States that are already in anger of sharing the fate of Italy, of a part of rermany, andof the other countries which France has already got in her possession. Meanwa e the Esperor saw, m spite of all his eversions and

monstrances, the danger increasing dany; French tro ps, on the one side, occupying the coasts of the Airate; the other, levying contributions on the rianse Towns,

and menacing Denmark; consequently, his Imperial Majesty has resolved, as the theatre of war approaches his frontier, to establish a military force, which shall be adequate to put a stop to further encroachments. The fact is notorious to all Europe; the Emperor was particularly desirous that it might not remain unknown to the French government. and the mutual explanations always referred to the same objects. Never then did any government act more candidly, or for a purpose which requires less secresy, or is subject to less false constructions than Russia did in the present circumstances, If this conduct be not upright; if it can be considered as hostile to France, or as an attack on the welfare and tranquillity of the German Empire, then there is no longer any difference exist ing between manifest encroachments on the one part, and that just indignation which the other part must consequently feel; between attack and defence; between the oppression and protection of the weak. The undersigned will not, in this place, examine, by the law of nations, the question, whether the French government be justified in persecuting, in every country, those persons whom it has exiled from their own, and in prescribing to foreign powers the manner in which they shall be permitted to treat or to employ the late emigrants, whom they may have adopted for their subjects, or employed in their service. Such a tenet is at variance with every principle of justice; nay, with those principles which the French nation has so solemnly proclaimed. To suppose that Russia attacks the independence of the States of Europe, because she will not permit a person in her employment abroad to be appointed somewhere else at the will of the French government, were to confound all ideas and words; or because she claims another person, who is a naturalized Russian, and has just now been delivered up by another State, without any previous trial, and contrary to every appearance of justice.-Never did the Emperor protect conspirators; his noble and upright character is too well known to all Europe to require an elaborate contradiction of this assertion, as false as it is indecent. The French government itself is convinced of the contrary; it need only remember, that the Emperor has frequently declared, that if such an accusation were proved against any Russian in his employment, he would hasten to punish him most severely for a crime which he considers of a most heinous nature. But the Cabinet of St. Cloud returned no answer to this candid communication, nor did it furnish any proof to support its pretensions; it has then no

right to complain of its unsupported demands not being complied with. But at the present moment, when Portugal was obliged to purchase her neutrality; when Naples, to save her's, was compelled to contribute, at an enormous expense, to the maintenance of the French troops on her own territory; when all Italy, especially those republics that had been promised independence and happiness; when Swisserland and Holland were considered merely as French provinces; when one part of the German Empire is occupied, while in another part French detachments execute arrests in contempt of the sacred law of nations; at such a moment the Emperor will leave to all the States alleged, nay, to the impartial opinion of the Cabinet of St. Cloud itself, the decision of the question, which of the two, Russia or France, menaces the security of Europe? which of them acts on principles the most favourable to the independence of other states? which interferes most in the government and internal police of other countries, and practices the most arbitrary acts against them? —Although the sorrow which the Emperor felt at this alarming situation of affairs, was as notorious as the opinion he entertained of it, he nevertheless held himself bound to make his declaration as explicit as possible, that it might not with truth be said, that there was not a single government on the Continent which had the courage to raise its voice in the cause of justice, and that the Russian government might not be charged with having omitted to call the attention of its co estates to the dreadful consequences which must necessarily ensue from a further neg lect of order, and of those principles on which their well being and their security depend. It does not appear how it could be so easily proved in the present dispute, that Russia, by protesting against a manifest vie lation of the law of nations, committed beyond the limits of the French republic, on a neutral territory of the German Empire, by a guaranteeing and mediating power, has thereby interfered in the internal affairs of France, and to interfere in which the Emperor never had the most distant idea. Every state is indeed competent to outlaw a person within its own limits; but no state has a right arbitrarily to place any person out of the protection of the law of nations, because the latter does not depend upon the decrees of any single state, but is grounded upon the unanimous will of the commonwealth of sovereign states. Thus the French govern ment could at most demand of the Princes of the German Empire, in conformity to the Treaty of Luneville, that the emigrants in

serts," that France has a right to reproach Russia with having neglected to execute her engagements; with having interfered and changed the government of the Seven Islands, which was placed under the joint guarantee of France, Russia, and the Porte, without any concert or communication with France; with having sent large bodies of troops to Corfu, and having made an ostentatious preparation of sending additional numbers.That the Emperor of Russia has also given an open reception to the emigrants of every description, and had conferred on them public employments; and so far from expelling from his dominions the individuals of the Bourbon family and their head, had allowed them an asylum in the Russian territories, and had participated in their criminal projects; contrary to the wise example of his father at the time of his endeavouring to terminate the war, and to restore the tranquillity of Europe.-That Russia had also recently placed itself in a posture of direct de fiance to France, by ordering a court mourning as a mark of respect to the memory of an agent in the pay of England, engaged in a criminal design to effect the ruin of France; that Russia had acted in this manner after this traitor to his country had been condemned by the just decision of a tribunal of the French government, and had been executed in pursuance of its sentence.--That these and many other examples of the ill disposition of the Russian government, the whole of whose conduct towards France has undergone an unaccountable alteration; the glaring partiality which Russia uniformly manifested towards England, and the perfidious conduct and plots of M. Markoff, who had increased the differences between the two governments, and had engaged in all the wicked designs of the emigrants and disaffected persons in France. That these were the real causes which induced the Russian govern. ment to adopt that cold inexplicable conduct towards France which it had lately thought proper to evince upon every occasion.That finally, if notwithstanding all the solicitude of the Emperor of the French to maintain the relations of peace and amity between the two countries, the Emperor of Russia should join his arms to those of England, the Emperor of the French would in that event rely on the skill and valour of his armies, and would maintain at every bazard the honour of France, and the lustre of the French name."

Copy of the Note presented by M. d'Oubril, the Russian Charge d'Affaires, to the Minister for Foreign Affairs Paris, August

28. 1804.

The undersigned Charge d'Affaires of his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, in answer to the note transmitted to him by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, feels it in cumbent on him to confine himself to a recapitulation of that conduct which his August Master has constantly held towards the French government, the plain exposition of which will sufficiently demonstrate the nature of the reciprocity which he has in his turn experienced from that power.--From the moment that his Majesty ascended the Throne, he laboured with all his care to renew the good intelligence which had formerly prevailed between France and Russia. His Imperial Majesty, in anticipating the explanations which were to produce a solid and permanent understanding between the two countries, was happy in the persuasion, that he would by that means effectually con tribute to the general pacification of Europe, the tranquillity of which had been too long disturbed by the events which occasioned the war that was terminated by the Treaty of Luneville. The readiness which his Majesty shewed to make peace with the French government, at the time it was at war with several other powers-the renewal of the former Treaty of Commerce, which was entirely to the advantage of France; the good offices of Russia in bringing about a reconci liation between the Republic and the Ottoman Porte, are all convincing proofs of the disposition of his Majesty, and of his wishes to neglect nothing on his part, which could tend to consolidate that connexion which he hoped might exist for ever. Since that period, when, in consequence of the misfortunes which Germany experienced in the course of the war, and that many members of the Germanic Body were put under the necessity of submitting to make sacrifices, and that it became necessary to ascertain those sacrifices, for the purpose of settling the indemnities that were to compensate for their losses, the Emperor consented to be come a joint mediator with the French government, in the cordial hope, that the act of mediation would seal the tranquillity of the Continent. The completion of this sa lutary work, allowed his Imperial Majesty to turn his attention to the engagements which France voluntarily entered into at the period of the conclusion of her peace with Russia, His Majesty, having scrupulously fulfilled those which he entered into with France, had a right to expect that the French government would also have shown itself anxious to equal his punctuality, and to perform its own obligations. However reasonable this expectation was, it has never been realised;