tempt that is now making to stretch the power of these fund-dealers at Lloyd's, and of the fund-Coalers in general, even farther than it has hitherto been attempted to be stretched. The last we heard of the Committee at Lloyd's was, their preparing to give badges of distinction to such persons in either the land or sea service as they might think worthy of them; and I must beg the reader to refer to the article in p. 790 of Vol. VI. We had before seen them endeavouring to make themselves the centre of the whole nation, the collectors of the subscriptions in every part of the kingdom; and, in order to render these subscriptions general, we had seen them (Vol. IV. p. 471, which see by all means) sending, under the franks of Mr. Freeling, Secretary to the General Post Office, a circular letter addressed to the Mayors, or Chief Magistrates, of all the cities, towns, and boroughs of the United Kingdom, calling upon them to open subscriptions, and to use "ALL their in"fluence" in promoting the objects of the Committee at Lloyd's, to whom they were to remit, or cause to be remitted, whatever money they could raise! About the same time, a circular letter was (see Vol. IV. p. 476) sent to the parochial clergy in the diocese of the Bishop of Durham, and as the news-papers stated, by order of the Bishop, requesting them to explain to their respective parishioners the nature and to recommend the object of the Fund at Lloyd's; as also to become the receivers of any subscriptions that might be paid to them, and to transmit the same to certain banks. Upon the singular fitness of making the niagistrates and the clergy tax-gatherers to the Committee at Lloyd's, no remarks need, surely, now be offered! Who, as was then observed; who, amidst all the changes and chances and revolutions in society; who ever expected to see a Bishop and his clergy employed in collecting money to be deposited in the hands of a set of brokers and moneydealers, for the purpose of enabling those brokers and money-dealers to dispense rewards and honours amongst the troops and the seamen, amongst the persons serving in the royal army and navy!-But, now, there is a proposition before the public for going, as to the mode of collection, a step, and a very wide step, further. It is now proposed to call upon the clergy, without any permission of their Bishops, to become at once the collectors for the Committee at Lloyd's, and to make the collections in their churches too I will here insert the article particularly alluded to, as it stands in the

newspaper of the 26th instant." PA

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"parishes in the neighbourhood of London "have made application, and obtained per"mission from the rector, for a collection to be "made after divine service on the thanksgi"ving day, to shew their sympathy with the "wounded heroes of Trafalgar, and to put "the same under the management of the com"mittee of the patriotic fund. Now this is as "it ought to be, and what we strongly recom"mend."-This proposal, you observ 2, extends to nothing short of a collection in all the parish churches in the kingdom, to be made by the authority of government, and, when made, the proceeds to be placed at the disposal of the Committee at Lloyd's, a committee of fund-dealers! The proposition is so impudent, that it must, one would hope, meet with general reprobation, Yet, such is the influence of the funding system; so extensive are the means which the persons who depend upon that system have of controling men in all ranks of life, that it really would not much surprize me, if I were to see the ministers and church-wardens of the kingdom all engaged in this proposed hopeful employment." What, will exclaim soine hypocrite, "would you bestow no rewards, would you administer no *comforts, to the meritorious or unfortunate men who have served their country in so glorious a manner?" Yes; Balaam, I would have the meritorious well rewarded, and the unfortunate comforted; but, the rewards and the means of comfort should pass through the hands of His Majesty. If, indeed, any man, or society of men, have a mind to bestow part of their own property upon the soldiers or the sailors, it is well. They have not only a right so to do; but they ought to be applauded for the act; but, no subject, or set of subjects, ought to be permitted to raise money upon the public, and especially by the hands of the magistrates, the clergy, or other persons in authority, for any purpose of this kind. To do so, is, in fact, a bold step towards supplanting the authority and office of the King Who is the Rector that has given permission to make a collection, in his church for the Lloyd's Fund? I would fain know his name, and the name of his parish; and then I would enquire whether his principal parishioners, and whether he himself, be not a little addicted to a species of traffic vulgarly called stock-jobbing!Yes, I would have military (sea as well as land) merit amply rewarded. I would have it highly distinguished. It should have its full share of honours and titles; and, in order to ren der those titles worth the acceptance of galgant and honourable miep, I would, if I could

have my wish, never have them bestowed upon any one who had not distinguished himself by some eminent talents and some great services rendered to the state. They should not be, as it has been asserted they were, but too often in France, bestowed upon me of mere money; men who could afford to give the highest price for them, or who could, either by himself or his kin or dependants, do the job the most agreeably to the minister of the day; for, when such is the case, titles are of little value they may serve to gratify the vanity of an upstart tradesman, but they must cease to be held in esteem by men of sound and high minds.

-I would, too, have the maimed and the worn-out in war comfortably provided for, together with their widows and orphans. I can see no reason why Greenwich Hospital should not be extended, and Chelsea too, seeing that when these establishments were made, our fleet and army were not a tenth part so great as they now are. The Duke of York is said to have been chiefly instrumental in recently obtaining an addition to the allowance of the out-pensioners of Chelsea Hospital; and for that he deserves the applause of the army and the country; but, was it not surprising, that while the civil list and all the salaries in all the offices under government had been rising from time to time to four or five times what they were a hundred and fifty years ago, the allowance to the crippled or worn-out soldier should have continued to be in nominal amount, what it was in the reign of King Charles II.? Great praise is also due to Mr. Windham, conjointly, I believe, with the Duke of York, for the establishment of the Royal Military. Asylum at Chelsea. These establishments want extending in every direction; but, for the maimed and worn-out sailors there is more pressing need of a comfortable and permanent provision.But, it is His Majesty that ought to be enabled to make this provision. It is his army, it is his fleet; he orders both to act, both to fight, both to venture limb and life; and, to him most assuredly should belong the power of bestowing rewards upon them, and of doing all the gracious acts which justice and the good of the service require to be done. I lament, therefore, that any portion of this mest agreeable and love-inspiring part of the powers of royalty should, from whatever cause, fall into other hands; and, particu larly I lament, that it should fall into the hands of a set of dealers in funds, meeting at a coffee-house, notoriously the grand scene of mere mercenary transactions.- When the Committee at Lloyd's first began their

"patriotic" operations, in 1803, I had occasion to remark upon the attacks, maile by the advocates for the Lloyd's fund, upon the nobility, the gentry, and the clergy. The first assault of this kind appeared, in the newspapers, in the form of a letter addressed to the Earl of Suffolk. His Lordship had, in his place in parliament, made some very just remarks upon the backwardness of the city of London in raising their quota of men; in revenge for which he was, by this insolent writer, tauntingly invited to add his name to the subscription list, and was, at the same time, reminded, that only three of his order had, as yet, shown a disposition to assist in rewarding our defenders." Accusations of the same sort frequently appeared, about the same time, and continued to appear for several months, against the nobility, gentry, and clergy (see Vol. IV. p. 281), with the evident intention of bullying them into the subscription. Similar means are now again beginning to be employed; and, as a specimen, I quote the following paragraph from the Morning Herald newspaper of the 27th instant. "At this awful

crisis, when every thing valuable to Bri"tors, and consequently to Europe, is at “ stake.”................ ..Stop! At stake, say you? Let us see: you are a ministerial writer? You are one of those who have been, for some weeks past, representing the victory of Trafalgar as having secured, beyond all doubt, this country, at least, against all attemps of the enemy? You are one of those who abused every man that did not consider that victory as decisive; as of decisive importance with respect to the main object, and, of course, the result, of the war. You are one of those who said: " this victory will

animate the continental powers, because "it will prove to them (a proof we did not "want), that we do not entertain any ap

prehensions for ourselves; that we are secure of victory, whenever the French dare "to quit their own shore; and that our ex"ertions against France are less to ensure "our safety than to enable the Continent to "achieve theirs." When I quoted this passage, only three weeks ago, I begged the reader to mark it well; for that he would have to compare it with what would soon be said by the same writers.But, as I said then, so I allow now, that they were hypocrites; that their fears told them that the naval victory had made but very little difference in our relative situation; that the danger, the permanent danger, of the country continued to be nearly, if not quite, as great as ever; that, in short, and to take up and adopt their present expression, the crisis is

awful, and, every thing valuable to Britons is at stake. To proceed now with the quotation : "To what are we to attribute "the apathy that reigns in those circles, who "vie in the most costly and ruinous compe "tition of extravagance and waste, whilst "scarcely a distinguished name appears upon "the list of subscribers to the Patriotic Fund, so impressively announced under circumstances of restraint to fulfil the benevo"lent purposes of its exertion. To what are we to impute this astonishing remissness of humanity, while every eye appears

to glisten with the tear for departed he"roism in the severe loss of so many of our "brave defenders; and when but the soli"tary name of one peer" (the Duke of QUEENSBURY's is, I see, in the list!) "and one member of parliament grace a list "of not less than sixty-three individual sub. "scribers, upto the 19th instant: O! shame, "where is they blush!" This, and the like of it, is, however, very likely to have the desired effect. We shall now, probably, see great" patriotism" displayed. It will really be worth while to observe who are the men that are capable of being thus bullied out of their money! -Since writing the above, I have perceived, that the Committee at Lloyd's have actually adopted the plan of a parochial subscription, in the churches, and have, accordingly issued their circular letters to the Chief Magistrate, or resident minister, of every city and town throughout the kingdom. But, let us hear the whole of their proclamation; for it is, the reader may be assured, one of those things, to which the future historian will refer as signs of the approach of those awful scenes which it will be his chief object to describe! The reader may be assured of this; and, therefore, the document is worthy of his attention.—— "PATRIOTIC FUND. Lloyd's, 26th Nov. "1805. The Committee for managing the "Patriotic Fund, in their Address to the

"the parties of patriotism with those of de"votion, and contribute according to their " means to these meritorious objects, At "the present crisis, when one expedition "has already sailed for the Continent, when "others are expected to follow, and when "deeds of daring enterprise on the coast of "the enemy are on the eve of execution, it "is highly important to animate the spirits "of the brave men who fight our battles, by shewing them that British liberality "and patriotism rise with the occasions that "call them into exercise: that the fund "subscribed for their encouragement and "relief at the commencement of the war,

so far from being exhausted by the de"mands made upon it by their gallant exer"tion, is swelled by new contributions of "national gratitude to an amount hitherto "unprecedented; and that the pledge given

by this committee, in the report of their "proceedings, will assuredly be fulfilled, "that the seaman, the soldier, and the vo"lunteer, may confidently trust that those "who were dear to him while living, will, "in the event of his failing in the sacred

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cause, find friends and guardians in a "grateful and generous country. The com"mittee have directed letters to be sent to "the chief magistrate, or resident minister, "in every town and city throughout the

kingdom; but, to supply the inaccuracy "of the list of their addresses, adopt this "mode of soliciting the influence of every “individual, in promoting the views, and "enlarging the usefulness of this laudable "and benevolent institution."- -Thus,

then, all the magistrates, all the ministers, and all the parish officers in the kingdom, are put in motion. by a Committee at Lloyd's! And for the purpose of enabling that Committee to become the patrons of the army and the navy! Truly, SWIFT and POPE, when they exerted their powers of ridicule against the tenants of Garraway's and the 'Change, little dreamt of times such as these! Things are drawing on fast towards that state so powerfully and so fearfully described by HUME, at the close of his essay upon PUBLIC CREDIT. All endeavours to stop the progress, will, it is to be feared, prove useless. It is in the nature of things, that it should go on; it cannot stop, till it has reached the point where it must end; but, yet, it is our duty to endeavour to arrest it. -If I am told, that, however reasonable my wishes with regard to the extension of the national provision for the meritorious or unfortunate soldiers and sailors may be, still, as no such extension has yet taken place, I ought, in the mean while, to acqui

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esce in the utility of the Lloyd's Fund, as a temporary measure, at least: If I am told this, I answer, that the Fund at Lloyd's has existed now for more than two years; that two sessions of parliament have since gone over our heads; and that, if the provision be proper, it might, long ago, have beca made by legal and regular means. If it be objected, that the taxes are already heavy enough, the answer is evident, that the money raised by the Lloyd's men must come out of the pockets of the people, and taxes can come from no other source: a guinea is a guinea, whether paid in at Lloyd's or at the Exchequer.But, at "a crisis so awful, when every thing valuable to Britons is at stake," could there be found no way of saving a hundred thousand pounds, (for that, it seems, is the sum wanted) out of the present revenues of the nation? At such a crisis, suppose Mr. Pitt and the Dundases were to hold their hands for a year in the granting of pensions and other emolu ments of that description? Last year there was a grant made to the Athol Family, grant very strongly but very truly described by the Lord Chief Justice, of 3,500l. a year, for ever. The worth of this grant is about 100,000l. It would, in all probability, sell for so much at Lloyd's. The property and labour of the country are pledged for so much. Now, suppose the law, making this grant, were to be repealed, there would be, at once, 100,000l. to be confided to the King for purposes such as those said to be contemplated by the men of Lloyd's.Would not this be much better than the setting to work all the magistrates and ministers in the kingdom to collect money to bo distributed to the soldiers and sailors by a committee of fund-dealers?-During the last year only about 40,000l. a year was granted in pensions and in other ways resembling pensions. In some cases the grant was for life; in others for two lives; and in others for three lives, I believe. These

grants cannot be estimated as being worth (were they to be sold) less than 700,0001. at the lowest. Now, here is seven times as much as is said to be wanted for the rewarding of the soldiers and sailors; and why could not the granting of pensions (except those of military and naval men and their widows and orphans, which are not in. cluded in the 40.000l. a year, granted last year) have been suspended for one year? Nay, why may it not be suspended during this present year? We shall, however, see, about May next, that it has not been sus, pended.- Still, however, let us rest upon the grants of last year. There was granted

to the wife of Sir William Augustus Pitt 600l. a year; to Lady Auckland 5007. a year; to Mrs. Sargent and her husband, 6161. a year; to Lord Auckland an additional pension of 400l. a year; to Mr. Isaac Corry, 1,2001. a year; to a family of Dundases the father, mother and children, 6007. a year. These grants would sell for at least 100,000l. The nation is pledged for so much on account of them. It must borrow so much in order to be able to pay them. Well, then, could they not have been dispensed with? Was there any pressing necessity for granting them; and this, too, observe, at a moment when such means are resorted to, when subscriptions are opened, when the charity box is to be carried round the churches for the purpose of obtaining a hundred thousand pounds to reward the merits, or to relieve the distress, of those who have been fighting the battles of their country?Last year, too, in about ten weeks after Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville came into office, there was granted to Lord Melville, 1,500l. a year, in addition to his former 3,000l. a year, for his sinecure place of Keeper of the Privy Seal of Scotland.Here again is another good 70, or 80 thousand pounds. It would sell for that sum at Lloyd's. And, why could it not have been saved for the purposes now to be provided for by an appeal to the charity of the nation? Observe, that it is the ministerial writers, who have assumed the necessity of raising the 100,000l. for the reward and relief of the soldiers and sailors: it is they, observe, who are reproaching the nobility with apathy and want of patriotism in not making sacrifices, in not coming forward to throw their money into the lap of the Committee at Lloyd's: it is they who have the impudence to talk of an extravagant expenditure, of a ruinous waste of money: it is they who are crying shame upon those who do not contribute towards the recompensing of the valour by which the country is protected: it is they who have thrown down the gauntlet, and toward them let the resentment of their wincing patrons be directed.

BOULOGNE EXPEDITION.-Sir Sid. Smith's return, without making, as it would appear, any attempt, must, I think, be considered as a matter of great consolation, particularly if we may hence collect, that no attempt is, in the way and with the means described by the newspapers, likely to be made in future; for, from such attempts, is it possible for `reasonable minds to anticipate any thing but failure and disgrace, a confirmation of the hopes of the enemy, additional discourage

ment to our own people, and, what is of incst importance of all, the loss of many valuable lives, in return for the destruction of a few vessels hardly worth the expence of the powder.-Now, pray, gentlemen of the ministerial press, do not misunderstand me. I do not say, as you will swear I do, that I wish the enemy's flotilla not to be destroyed. Pray do not swear that, gentlemen! But, I am afraid you will.I wish the flotilla to be destroyed; but, I have not the least notion that it ever will be destroyed by an attack on the sea board, unassisted by an attack on the land board side. To destroy the flotilla, the land batteries, or some of them, at least, must be first silenced; and how, in the name of sense and reason, are they to be silenced but by land operations. Land batteries have been silenced by men of war,, and particularly by British men of war; but, those were not such batteries, and so served, as the batteries of Boulogne. Indeed, this seems to be a point, as to which all men agree in opinion. But, some think, that the flotilla may be destroyed, without silencing the batteries, an error, I am afraid, that will yet cost us dear.- -Those who think with me, that an attack by land must take place in order to effect the destruction of any considerable part of the hideous flotilla, will, perhaps, regret, that such an attack was not made the moment the French army marched away for the Rhine. Upon this subject a dispute has arisen, in consequence of an article in the Morning Chronicle, complaining that such an attack was not made. The answer of the ministerial paper, the COURIER, I will here insert, and, first begging the reader to go over it with attention, will then submit to him such observations as occur to me :"When a land expedition is determined upon, then they are violent in their com

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plaints, that a naval one has not been pre"ferred; when a naval expedition is to be "carried into execution, then a laud one. "would have been infinitely preferable. In "fact, every thing must be wrong that Mr. "Pitt does, because Mr Pitt does it. But why a land one against Boulogne? Because; and here it is that we complain: most of the Opposition writers. Whenever they want to strengthen an argument or point an invective, they assume certain "points as ascertained and proved facts.

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Two months ago, they assert, the French "had only five thousand troops at Boulogne. "Where did they learn that fact? How "did they ascertain it? How could they "have come at the knowledge of the "amount of the force at Boulogne? - Ge