boxing, to say nothing of the disgrace, every one must agree; and, it cannot be den ea, that the former have increased in proportion as the latter has been driven from amongst the people. But, boxing matches give rise to assemblages of the people; they tend to make the people bold; they produce a communication of notions of hardihood; they serve to remind men of the importance of bodily strength; they, each in its sphere, occasion a transient relaxation from labour; they tend, in short, to keep alive, even amongst the lowest of the people, some idea of independence: whereas, amongst cutters and stabbers and poisoners (for the law above-mentioned includes English poisoners) there is necessarily a rivalship for quietness and secrecy; they generally perform their work single handed; their operations have nothing of riot or commotion in them; as to labour, they lose little of the time for that, seeing that their mode of seeking satisfaction is with the greatest chance of success pursued in the dark; and there is not the least fear, that their practices will ever render them politically turbulent, or bold. In fact, the system of effeminacy as it has grown out of, so it is perfectly adapted to, the Pitt system of internal politics, which, by making, in a greater or less degree, almost every man, who has property, a sort of prisoner, or, at least, an annuitant, of the state, aims at ruling the nation by its base, instead of its honourable feelings. On the selfishness of the common people, particularly the labouring part of them, the Pitt system of finance and taxation has, directly at least, no hold; and, therefore, it required the aid of the system of effeminacy, which Includes the suppression of mirth as well as of hardy exercises, and, indeed, of every thing that tends to produce relaxations from labour and a communication of ideas of inendence amongst the common people. Systems better calculated for preventing internal opposition to the government never were invented; but, this is not all that a wise statesman and one that loves his conntry will look to. Such a statesman will ceive, that if he destroy the feelings, from the operation of which the government might occasionally have something to apprehend, he thereby destroys the means, by which alone the government can be perinaneatly preserved. Render the whole nation effeminate; suffer no relaxation from labour or from care; shut all the paupers up in work-houses, and those that are not so shut up, work in gangs, each with its driver: this do, and it is evident that you will have no internal commotion; it is evident, that you will hold the people în eomplete subjection per to your will; but, then, recollect, that they will be like the ass in the fable, that they will stir neither hand nor foot to prevent a transfer of their subjection to another master. Thank God, we are yet at a great distance from a state so full of wretchedness and of infamy, and, I trust, that we shall long be so prescrved. In speaking of the system of effeminacy as adapted to a cooperation with the Pitt systein of internal policy, I by no means would be understood as supposing, that it has been contrived, or at all encouraged, at least wilfully, by Mr. Pitt, or by any other minister. It is, indeed, one of the many evils that have naturally grown out of the Pitt system; but, whatever other faults I may impute to Mr. Pitt, as a minister, justice to him obliges me to confess, that I have never heard of his directly favouring the endeavours of those weak, meddling, and, in many instances, fanatical persons, who are the chief in truments in the persecution of all manly and mirthful exercises; and, I confidently hope, that, if any further attempts are made at legislative innovation upon these subjects, he will be found amongst their determined opponents. SIR WILLIAM D'ARLEY.In another part of this sheet, will be found a letter from this gentleman, which I have lost not a moment in laying before my readers.Of the documents, to which he refers, being mostly in the French and Italian languages, it will be better for me to state the substance here. The first is a certificate from Cardinal Ruffo, dated at Rome, 6th February, 1801, bearing the most honourable testimony of the bravery and the services performed by Sir William D'Arley during the last," War. He was, it appears, a Captain in the British marines, and was sent to communicate with the Neapolitan commanders. He was, in consequence of his skil and his bravery, appointed to take upon him the comand of a principal part of the troops, in which situation, to use nearly the words of the Cardinal, he, by his conciliating manners, greatly contributed towards putting an end to the discord prevalent amongst "the other officers. He kept his command "till the object of it was completely accom plished: and, in the different actions, "he uniformly gave proofs of his skill and "his courage. The next document is a dispatch from General Acton to Prince Castelcicala, stating the service of Siz William. D'Arley, and notifying the intention of the King of Naples (the consent of His Britannic Majesty being obtained) to bestow on him the Royal Military Order of Constan. tinien. The third is a letter from Prince Cas teicicala to Lord Hawkesbury upon the same subject. The fourth is a copy of Sir Wil-making of my comment, to acquire infor liam D'Arley's commission, as Colonel in the Neapolitan army. And the fifth is a warrant of His Majesty, permitting the knighthood of Sir William D'Arley, and ordering it to be recorded in the college of arms. I think Sir Williana D'Arley might have spared the hint at the beginning of his letter; for, it was by no means necessary to inquire into the "effect," or rather purpose, I had in view, when I was publishing an account of the additions last year made to the pension-list; and, though I can readily conceive, that he must have felt a little stung at the publication, I am satisfied that the public will percieve, that it is the Treasury who are to blame, and not I. Why was there not some mention of the cause for which the pension was granted? The cause is stated against several of the other pensions; and, where no cause is stated, we have a right to conclude, that no good and fair one, at least for public servi ces, exists. That we, every man of us, have a right, and that, with some of us, it is a duty, to inquire into the grounds, upon which pensions are granted, will scarcely be denied. To what end, else, are the accounts laid before parliament, and printed? If it be improper for us to comment upon the pension list, what a mockery, what an insult, what vile deception, is this accounting to the public for the expenditure of their money! Sir William D'Arley feels as one must expect such a man to feel under such circumstances: I ain ready to heal the wound ready to do him ample justice; ready to say that he deserves a greater pension than he receives: but, I cannot allow him to call in question the motives, from which I have made the publication he refers to. Sir William D'Avey served his country and his king in facing their enemies abroad; and, he should have perceived, that, in commenting upon a pension-list, by which the property and labour of the nation were, in only one year, mortgaged for nearly a million sterling, in addition to the hundreds, of millions for which they were already mortgaged; he should, one would think, have perceived, that in making comments on such a l'st, a man might be serving (with greatly inferior merit, it is true) his king and country, at home.The observation, in the latter part of the letter, that I commented sarcastically upon a pension "granted as a reward for military services, is not correct; for I professed to know, and I really did know, nothing at all either of the perBon, the rank, or the services of Sir William D'Arley; and, if I am told, that I should have taken care, previous to the mation upon the subject; I answer, that no NAVAL VICTORY.-The advices froni Sir Robert Calder, subsequent to those spoken of, and, indeed, contained in the preceding sheet, have been received with mich public regret, and not entirely without public dise content with regard to the conduct of that commander. There appers, particularly in the ministerial prints and circles, a strong disposition to censure him for not having been more intent upon producing destruction against the enemy, than upon making sure of his prizes, in order to do which, it is presumed that he suffered his fleet to fall to leeward too far, and thereby enabled the enemy to make his escape. Others are, how ever, of opinion, that he did the best that circumstances would permit him; and, at all events, nothing can be more unjust; of more injurious to the interests of the conn try, than condemning commanders, except upon the result of the fullest inquiry, and the clearest evidence of their having acted upon some wrong motive. It is not quite impossible, that the ministerial writers may have in view the very honourable purpose of turning the public resentment from the mis nistry, by thus endeavouring to direct it against the admiral. The public should, therefore, be on their guard against, the effects of this device; and should be very slow to conclude, that the admiral has ne glcted his duty, because he has not effectually made up for the negligence of the 'aami ralty.It appears, that the convoy of West-India merchanmen, spoken of, in the préccoing sheet, as having deen captured by the enemy, have not been captured by him; or, there is, at least, no certain intelligence Before this sheet reaches we may create for ourselves most grievous disappointment; and, which is still worse, may be induced to defer the adoption of the only measures, by which we can possibly obtain the means of permanent security. POSTSCRIPT. Since the foregoing articles were written, the following paragraph has reached me, in the Morning Chronicle of the 7th instant. It is another of those in t of the capture. out to the attention of my readers. For 207] POLITICAL REGISTER.-Sir Wm. D' Arley.-Reform of Financial Abuses. [208 came off the road, and swept in a semicarcalar em round the multitude, who had not yet dispersed. The Riot Act was it read, nor was there so much as a constable's stafi shewn, to induce or command the people to disperse by the authority of the civil law. The East London Militia are quartered at Greenwich, and having just, finished exercise, many of them joined in the crowd to see the exhibition of the only mode of fighting which is peculiarly English. Some of them, as well as several other people, had hair-breadth escapes; but a fiter belonging to the East London had his jaw-bone broke and received other injury. Two noblemen and some gentlemen have given their addresses to the ringleader of the party, and Mr. M. went to a neighbouring magistrate, under whose authority they said they acted, to inquire if it was a fact that he had lent the authority of his official character to a band of soldiers to act ad libitum, without his presence or control, against an unarmed body of British subjects. As the affair will certainly become the subject of legal inquiry, it is too delicate a matter to describe more particularly at present." Botley, Thursday, 8th August, 1805. SIR WILLIAM D'ARLEY. SIR,In your paper of Saturday the 27th July, you have favoured the public with a dissertation on the Pension List la'd before parliament; to what effect, it is not my intention to consider: confining myself simply, to that notice you have thought proper to take of the bounty which it has pleased His Majesty by the advice of his ministers to bestow on me, and to the doubts which may arise in the public mind whether it has been deservedly bestowed or not, I have only to observe, that this mark of Iis Majesty's grace and favour was conferred upon me after twenty-two years unremitting service as an officer, and having shared in several of the principal battles of my country by sea and land; and in particular for the more immediate and individual services I was considered to have performed during the last war, while in Italy, as certified in the inclosed official documents, the originals of which are to be seen in the Foreign Office, and to their authenticity and truth, the then ministers, the Sicilian Envoy, Lord Nelson, and Sir Samuci Hood will bear sufficient testimony if called upon.-So far, Sir, am I from being very much obliged" for this occasion of publicity, that it is with real pain I embrace it, but the very few (as you justly hint) who do know me, will expect a reply where so much may be said, 86 and the rest of my countrymen will, I hope, pardon an apparent egotism, which takes its rise from your animadverting in the lan guage of sarcasm, on the reward bestowed on military enterprise, treating it as unnierited profusion. I remain, SIR, your most obedient servant, WILLIAM D'ARLEY. Hythe, 3d August, 1805. TO THE HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX,M. P. ON THE REFORM OF FINANCIAL ABUSES. LETTER X. SIR, -Upon the few occasions, that the peede of England come forward at public meetings, to express their opinion upon great national questions, it is natural to look up to you as their champion in parliament, ready to propose those measures which ought to be brought forward in compliance with their sentiments, when gencrally and anxiously declared. The public opinion has never been more universally, or more loudly heard upon any subject, than it has of late concerning the delinquency of Lord Melville. The table of the House of Commons was never more crouded with petitions, containing the true and unbiassed sentiments of the nation. Nor ever was there a period, when the public approached the House of Commons, with greater expectations of redress for both proved and apprehended criminality. And yet, Sir, if they were well acquainted with, and if they duly considered the conduct of the House since those petitions were laid upon its table, they would greatly relax in the confidence, which they were at first disposed to place in their representatives. The wisdom of the nation induced it at once to see the conduct of Lord Melville in all its different bearings. It did not suffer itself to be led astray by the indignation, which it naturally felt at the detection of a minister, next to the prime minister in rank and power, and one that had experienced the fullest confidence both of the King, and of a large majority of the people for a long series of years. Nor did it confine its views to the mere gratification of acquiring an excessive degree of punishment. But more sagaciously, it considered the proofs of criminality in one department entrusted with the management of the public money, as strong symptoms of mismanage ment, if not of criminality in the other de partments; and, accordingly the petitions, that were the consequences of the decision of the House of Commons on the 8th of April, did not only congratulate the House upon its vote, and demand justice in the case of Lord Melville; but they required further investigation, and the full exercise of the prerogative of the Commons House of Parliament, over the application of the pub is taken for granted, that the commissioners of military inquiry, will faithfully discharge. their duty, and certainly the characters of the gentlemen appointed to this commission justly warrant such an expectation, still that great portion of the public expenditure, which is directly under the management of the Treasury, is made subject to no parliamentary examination whatever. This consideration introduces to our notice the mystery of the consolidated fund. The annual charge, upon which, as it stood on the 5th of Jan. 1805, was 27,510,5481. (No. II. p. 93.) Would it not, Sir, be satisfactory to the petitioners to know, that the conduct of the Treasury in the annual payment of so large a sum during these last 10 years was free from reproach. Or if, upon inquiry, it should prove to be otherwise, would it not be equally satisfactory to them to know in what instances it had been culpable, and thus to see the groundwork of reform .prepared ?—— Another item under the direct management and control of the Treasury, is the expense, incurred for the civil government of ScotJand. So far as it may be presumed that, Lord Melville possessed any influence with. the Lords of the Treasury, so far and in such a degree is it reasonable to surmise, that irregularities may have taken place in this particular branch of the public expenditure, and for this reason, it is one eminently fit to be minutely investigated. A third item immediately belonging to the Treasury department, is the moderate charge of near two millions per annum for MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES. A most modest, and by no means flippant method of accounting to the public for the disposal of two millions per annum of their money! What obligations must ministers be under to that most ingenious Secretary of the Treasury, who first discovered the happy facility of covering all jobs, and bringing all issues of money under their proper head, by the use of the two simple words MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES!!! They are, it is worthy of remark, always placed in the account laid before parliament, (No. 5) just in the line, namely, the last, where balances are usually found in an account; but, instead of balances due either by the public, or to the public, to account correctly, ac lic revenues *. But how has this request of the nation been treated? Mr. Pitt, the minister of the country and the friend of Lord Melville, has brought in one bill for continuing the commission of naval inquiry, and another or appointing a certain number of gentlemen, of his own selection, commissioners to inquire into the conduct of certain military departments, likewise of his own selection. And these are the only measures adopted by the House of Commons in consequence of the petitions; and this is the manner in which even these measures have been brought forward. I will not now say, Sir, that the public opinion has been neglected, the petitions of the people overlooked, and their expectations very unwisely disappointed. But, this I will say, that if the approaching session of parliament is permitted to pass by without other more appropriate measures being taken to reform the system of conducting the public expenditure, the people will have great reason to complain of the remissness and indolence of their representatives. There are no doubt many reasons to justify you, Sir, as the leader of opposition, in not having, as yet, brought forward any measure founded upon the petitions of the pcopie. The advanced period of the session, when Lord Melville's delinquency was declared; the numerous debates that arose out of the variety of opinions entertained as to the mode of future trial; the policy of leaving the minister to himself to chuse his own plan of meeting the public sentiment, all these are strong reasons for waving a determination upon the general conduct of the opposition with regard to the petitions. But, though they are so, the opposition would fall into a fatal error, if they judged from the circumstance of the people, not appearing to be dissatisfied at what has been done, or rather has not been done, that they really were contented. For if the people saw in the detection of the systematic plunder of the naval money, duFing a period of 16 years, sufficient grounds for requiring of the House of Commons an investigation of the proceedings of all the various offices concerned in the management of the national expenditure, it cannot be said, that the continuation of the naval commission, and the appointment of a mili-cording to common custom, for its property, tary commission of inquiry are in themselves measures adequate to either the expectations or the object of the petitioners. If, even it * "The detection of such malversations, in one department of the state, induces apprehensions that others may not be more faithfully and honestly administered." Petition ef town of Southampton, et ceteræ. this pleasant invention supplies their place, and affords the Secretaries of the Treasury the extreme satisfaction of being able to lay before parliament, an account of the whole public expenditure of the year, without the vulgar and troublesome word "balances" once obtruding itself. Surely, Sir, it would be. gratifying to the petitioners to know upon what merits, these two millions per annum |