brain, it is not impoffible but it may have contributed much to his converfion from a phyfiologift to a theologue. Or if fuch elementary earth hath, in its paffage from the pericranium to his great toe*, overheated the nervous fyftem, it is not impro-. bable but the public may owe this learned enquiry, into the meaning of Daniel's feventy weeks and the wilful impofitions of the hiftorian Jofephus, to the Doctor's disappointinent of a regular fit of the gout. Be this, however, as it may, we, who have been obliged by our office in like manner to perufe the reveries of Hare and others on this edifying fubject, without the leaft edification in the world, could not fail of feeling a most auk ward pain at being again fo puzzled and perplexed, Not but that the circumftance which gives pain to us, may give pleature to others; and thus even another enquiry into the meaning of Daniel's feventy weeks, may have charms for fome kind of readers. To fuch, therefore, we will beg leave to recommend the perufal of this performance and the chronological tables it contains. The curiofity of others may be fatished by the following fpecimen, in which the author accounts for the impolitions of the Jewish writers, in fuppreffing the circumftances and changing the dates of facts, which they were determined, if poffible, to bring into dif credit. "It is recorded by St. Luke, c. xxiv. 27, that Christ, after his refurrection, appeared to two of his difciples, and beginning at Mofes and all the prophets, be expounded unto them in all the feriptures, the things concerning himself. St. Paul alfo at Theffalonica reafoned from the fcriptures, opening and alledging that Chrift muft needs have suffered and rifen again from the dead, and that this Jefus whom I preach unto you is Chrift. Aft. xvii. 3. When Paul arrived at Rome, and a day was fixed upon by his countrymen, to hear his account of the fect of the chriftians, be expounded and teftified the kingdom of God, perfuading them concerning Jefus, both out of the law of Mofes and the prophets, from morning till evening. Acts xxviii. 23. Apollos alfo, mightily convinced the. Jews, and that publickly, Sherwing by the feriptures, that Jefus was Chrift. Acts xviii. 28. From thefe pallages it must be inferred, that Chrift not only expounded the prophecy of the 70 weeks to his difciples, but that Paul and Apollos expounded it to the Jews; and therefore admitting the Jews had not of themfelves difcovered the expofition, yet they must be allowed to have been taught it by thefe two chriftians. It is however obvious from all the abutes that now exift in their history, operating to conceal the expofition, that they fufficiently understood it. According to Dr. C.'s hypothefis, by which he accounts for the gout, the earthy matter of which fuch ftones are compofed, is fecreted in the brain for the fupport of the folids: patling through the nerves in a highly diluted ftate, and thence through the mufcles to the bones, where it is naturally depofited, in the form of offific fubftance. As Caverbill's Explanation of the Seventy Weeks of Daniel. 119 As the priests, according to Jofephus, c. Appion. 1. i, recorded the pedigrees and other tranfactions of the year, they were most probably the best hiftorians among the Jews, and the firft that would be likely to enquire into the truth of the report, that, amongst other arguments, Daniel's weeks were alfo brought by the Chriftians, to prove that Christ was the Messiah. It may therefore be fuppofed, as foon as they difcovered by looking back upon their rolls of pedigrees and other historical papers, that the report was true, and that Chrift's birth really stood 7 weeks after Julius Cæfar's decree, and thie crucifixion 62 after Ezra's appointment to the government of Judea, that they refolved to take off the argument; for to men who had refifted the power of Christ's miracles, and perhaps had given their voice for putting him to death, this auxiliary evidence in fupport of his being the Meffiah, derived from Daniel's weeks, would naturally be looked upon as a chance coincidence. However, that the accident might not have more influence upon the minds of their posterity than it had on their own, or that their pofterity might not be troubled with it, or perhaps out of hatred at feeing fuch a refemblance between Chrift and the Meffiah, they undertook to conceal this refemblance, and their attempts have been very fuccessful. "It is evident, that Jefus Chrift could not be fhewn to have been the Meffiah by Daniel's weeks, till after his crucifixion, when al! thefe hiftorical events, by which his affinity with the weeks could be fhewn, had happened, and were recorded. There was therefore no other way lett of concealing the affinity, and at the fame time of preferving their own annals, than either by erafing to fupprefs the events entirely, or to remove them out of the true years in which they stood, and fet them in other years. This was turning a true history, after it was written, into a falfe one: accordingly the manner in which all the errors in Jofephus exift, proves, that they were framed after his hiftory, or rather perhaps, after the history from which he copied had been truly written. "It was however very difficult to ftrike out or tranfpofe every event, fo neatly as that no traces fhould remain and difcover the tranfpofitions. The difficulty was encreased by the diftance in which the feveial events lay fcattered from one another in their annals. and from their being interwoven with other events, and hid as it were, under this comolication. These difliculties may explain the reafon why they overlooked thofe few circumstances which now remain, refuting the several alte rations that have been made concerning Herod Agrippa, Herol the Great, Judas the Galilæan, and Pontius Pilate. Why, after it was afferted that the first and fecond procurator had had left Judea, and the third arrived there by the viii of Claudius, that the dates of Claudius's letter efcaped unnoticed, by which the first procurator is ftill hewn to have been in his government of Judea, in the x of that emperor. Why after it was repeatedly affirmed that Herod the great died in the xxxii year from his being made king, that a few words passed unɔbferved in a diftant part of their history, which demonftrated that this Herod must have lived to the 48 year from his being made king: When the revolt of Judas the Galilæan was placed 10 years before the Cenfus, that it was not perceived twice recorded in fubfequent parts of their their history, as having happened during the Cenfus. Nor why, after a long ftory was brought and infer ed between Pilate's depofition having taken place before the laft paflover in Tiberius' reign, that yet a fingle word was left unaltered, which rendered this allertion utterly impropable." W. EJays Commercial and Political, on the real and relative Interefts of Imperial and Dependent States, particularly thefe of Great Britain and her Dependencies: Difplaying the probable Caufes of, and a Mode of compromifing, the prefent Difputes between this Country and her American Colonies. To which is added an Appendix, on the Means of Emancipating Slaves, without Lofs to their Proprietors. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Johnfon. Although the many publications, which have already appeared, on the fub ect of the American conteft, may n ake an apology neceffary for intruding any thing farther on fo beaten a topic, the prefent Effayift hopes, if that fubject be placed in a new light, it will be deemed a fufficient reafon for the prefent performance. The difficulty, indeed, of placing fuch a fubject in a new light, claims our candour for the attempt; nor is it merely an atten.pt which is here fubmitted to the public; the judicious and ingenious author having not only taken a new route of invefti ation, in refpect to the noft interefting parts of the queftion, but deduced conclufions from the premifes very different from thofe of our common quidnunes and coffee-house politicians.-is work is divided into ten fections; the first containing an introductory difcourfe on the impropriety of refifting an established government without due caute; which he confiders to be the prefent cafe with our American Colonies. In Sect. 2d. he treats of the motives of Colonization and the compar. tive advantages to Great Britain, from her different Continental Colonies in North America.. In thi fection is included a table of the population, in ports and exp rts, &c. of the Continental Colonies; in which the number of inhabitants, white and black, i eftimated to be 2,400,oco, the value of their late annual imports from Great Britain upwards of three million fterling and and that of their exports to three millions, five hundred and fifty thousand pounds. n Sect. 3. are confidered the principles of policy, which ought to fubfift between a parent ftate and her colonies, confiftent with the reciprocal interefts of both. On this head he properly obferves, that, "It cannot be fuppofed, that any country would colonize or fend, protect and fupport people in diftant countries, for a great length of time, and at a vaft expence, if it was expected thefe colonies wold, as foon as opportunity offered, and they could do without the parent Country's prosection, repay all her kindness by looking on themfelves as an original and independent people Nor fhould it be imagined, that the legitlature of the Mother-country, fhould have an uncontroulable, unlimited power, over the property of the colonifts. The line certainly fhould, and may be drawn fo, as to be advantageous to, and anfwer what ought to be the real interefts of both." On the feveral points by which fuch line may be drawn, our Effayift expatiates in this and the following Section; defcanting particularly on the Newfoundland and Northern Fisheries, and the regulations of the Colony corn trade. In Sect. 5. Our author examines into the probable caufes and great impolicy of the American infurrection *. On this fubject he fpeaks with much moderation and good fense; steer, ing a mean course between the partizans of the Colonies and thofe of the Mother Country. "That Independency," fays he, " has been from the very beginning of the prefent difpute the defign of the American leaders, there is great reafon to believe, notwithstanding they made the tax on tea their oftenfible caufe; for at that time the body of the Americans; confcious of the eafy government under which they lived, were not ready to receive that doctrine, which their leaders fince, by fticking at no means, though ever fo falfe, to inflame their paffions, have gradually prepared them for. That to answer their purpose they were not ashamed of afferting untruths, is fufficiently obvious from their giving out to the multitude, that the tax on tea was an innovation and infringement of their liberties, and that the British Parliament never taxed them before; although they could not but knov fome, at least, of the precedents just how quoted! +4 "There was however a fecond caufe that much promoted the prefent troubles (for the information of which I am obliged to a gentleman, who retided forhe time in Boston) which was; that Mr. Hk and fome other leaders of the faction were largely concerned in fmuggling cargoes of tea from Holland, &c. which trade, fo beneficial to themfelves, the regulation on tea put a stop to, as the contraband trader had then, fuppofing his cargo bought as cheap as in England, and fuccefs On this fubject he remarks that," The Swedish Profeffor Kalm, who travelled through thefe provinces on botanical refearches in the years 1748 and 1749; obferves, that "the inhabitants of the English Colonies were "growing lefs tender to their Mother-country," and after advancing their reftrictions in commerce, and the great acceffion of foreigners, who generaily have no particular attachment to Old England, as reafons for their coolness, he mentions this further one : "That many people can never be *contented, but fuffer their excefs of liberty and their luxury often to lead them into licentioufnefs." He further fays, "they informed him the English North-American Colonies would, in the space of 30 or 50 years "be able to form a ftate of themselves independent of Old England.” VOL. VI. fully fully landed, only three-pence advantage over the fair dealer, instead of one fhilling as formerly.-Sch was the difference (in favour of America) occafioned by drawing back on exportation the whole English duty, and laying on a duty in America of only three-pence per pound, in place of retaining in England one fhilling on the drawback, which was the cafe before when exported to America. This advantage to the Americans was fo much lofs to the contraband dealers, in propor tion to the trade they carried on, and which trade they faw, notwith standing they still in general, because the duty was not repealed, perfifted in their agreement for the non-import of this article, would in all probability be annihilated, should the East India Company, * in confequence of the act paffed for that purpo'e, be permitted to fell their tea in America. This determined them to prevent it, which they did in Boston effectually, by influencing a mob, or people of fuperior condition, to difguite themfelves as Indians, go on board the ships, and throw the tea of the East India Company into the Sea. "The lofs of this contraband trade," our author obferves, "being likely to produce a fenfible diminution of profit to the before-mentioned perfons, joined with their love of independency, has been the unhappy means of deluging their country with blood, and reducing innumerable families from affluence to diftrefs." But, fays he, very justly," If the laying on this duty in America, or making it payable there, was as infringement of their natural rights, certainly the retaining part of the drawback was equally fo, as the law permitted them to import none but what they bought of us. This grievance, which was one if the other be, they never complained of; and as we are neceffitated to have custom-house officers in America to collect the duties impofed for the regulation of commerce, on articles that come direct from the place of their produce, as well as for other purposes, what difference could it make to America whether the duty was collected by the officers there, or retained in England? In the latter cafe they would have to pay fo much the more for the article; which would drain their country of spe cie equally the fame, as if the duties were collected there and remitted to Britain (if the taxes were fuperior to the expences of government there, which they are not). And in either cafe, the duty, whether retained or collected, is equally for the purpofe of raifing a revenue, as it could not be for the regulation of trade, the import being admitted from no where elfe, therefore the retaining of drawbacks as part of them is equally fubverfive of American liberty, as the impofition of fimilar duties there. As they did not oppofe the retaining of the duty in England, though confined to take thefe articles from thence, if they took them all, it plainly follows, that the duties being made payable in America could be to them no object of difpute. They had it equally in their option to refrain from importing the tea, and paying the tax, as they had before from buying it charged with the English duty. And if, in the former cafe, English refidents fent it to them contrary to their inclinations, thofe who fent it paid the tax, though collected in America. The Americans could not be faid to pay it until they pur * Their mode of fale was to have been the fame as in London, in lots by auction. chafed |