PRIVATE ALMS.

IF the Government of this country were in a position to afford sufficient and substantial aid to the distressed sufferers in Lancashire, without taking the money out of the pockets of the people again in the form of new and increased taxation, there are many very good reasons why they should do so; for it is partially owing to the line of policy they are pursuing, and have all along followed, that the present distress is so severe as it is; and as the people are unwilling idlers and innocent sufferers in the matter, it seems only just and fair that the Government should contribute to their support. But this is not at all probable. Our revenue is far from flourishing, and instead of a surplus we may expect a deficit. To grant a subsidy to Lancashire would, in fact, augment our taxation, and this would fall over all the country alike, so that, though many might easily bear it, the poor would be the greatest sufferers. It is an ascertained fact that there are in Lancashire and the neighbourhood many hundreds of families contributing to the rates who are themselves on the very brink of pauperism. Any attempt to increase the rates, or augment their burden in the way of taxes, would involve them in ruin; less money would be raised than was anticipated; and this, having to be distributed over a more extended area, would be very limited, and almost nullified in its effects. Again, the distress is limited in extent. It is confined to portions of two or three counties. It seems, then, hardly fair to tax the whole for the support of a part. And even if the Government grant should not immediately or prospectively fall 1863.

upon the community, if it were to be in reality a bounty, we should still object to its adoption, because it would have a tendency to stay voluntary alms, and perhaps cause them to be altogether withdrawn-the public thinking they were not called upon to interfere further in the matter-besides furnishing a dangerous precedent in similar cases where the distress may be as severe but not as extensive. In these cases, the sufferers and the public generally would look to the Government for aid, and on a refusal, discontent and riot would probably arise in the distressed districts. The tendency to lean on the Government for aid would be increased at every grant, till the people would come to regard the Government not only as the proper and just reliever, but also as the real cause of their necessities and troubles. Voluntary alms, sympathy, and charity, would neither make any attempt to mitigate distress, nor would they be desired. Lastly, in the present case, the organization employed in the distribution of relief is working efficiently and economically: to displace the present executive would neither be prudent nor just; the donations and subscriptions continually pouring in to it proves that it possesses the confi

dence of the contributors. The zeal and energy displayed by the people at home and abroad, and the ready and able manner in which the committee has been organized, show that the people look upon the matter as a duty that they, and not the Government, are called upon to perform. Were the Government to interfere, this spirit of independence and mutual sympathy and benevolence would be considerably lessened-R. S.

F

We all

The relief of the distressed operatives in the cotton districts of England has a claim upon the bounty of the liberal throughout the land. When we look at the calamity in its grimmest phasis, we behold the sufferings, not of single individuals, but of prodigious multitudes, chargeable with no misdemeanour, dissipation, or sloth as the harbinger of the calamity we now so deeply deplore. Reviewing the causes of distress, and gauging them with the wand of impartiality, our conclusions do not direct us to any indications of its being a recompence for the practice of anything unbecoming their position. know the ardent flame of independence that is an inseparable ingredient of the compound of an Englishman's heart; full well we appreciate the worth of the operatives as the most powerful of the sinews of England's admitted superiority over the other nations of Europe. Whilst in the midst of these profound contemplations, we are led, in the midst of so many works of magnificence-which we cannot behold without admirationto exclaim, Who sank those channels through which the numerous crafts convey their freights? Who constructed those tramways over which pass the rapid car with its contents with the speed of the dove? Need I say the necessity for the conveyance of the productions of the shuttle and loom, other works of the diligent operatives? Upon a review of the above facts, we conceive it to be no more than an act of justice and duty to supply to the utmost of our means the starving populations from the stores of our wealth. This bountiful recognition of their services will have a salutary effect upon their minds, and a corresponding gratitude will vibrate in them and operate as a stimulant to their future exertions for our comforts. Whereas, were we to leave them to the sole care of the poor-law board and its auxiliary machinery, it would be contrary to the dictates of humanity, and we might be justly traduced as wanting one of the finest attributes that beautify

the human species. The above assemblage of sentiments constitutes the basis upon which we pronounce against any niggardly practices in dealing out private alms to so meritorious a branch of industry, and we opine the majority of our friends and readers will coincide with us in that decision.-S. F. T.

I incline to the opinion that they ought to depend for relief on private alms. It is hoped that the distress is of a temporary nature; and, in voluntarily assisting those who require ou aid, we do far better, and show a much more christian spirit, than would be the case if the national bounty were to be bestowed on the distressed. At all events, it appears to me to be quite clear that private alms should first be given to as great an extent as possible, and when the public "have had enough of it" to become tired of giving more, then the national bounty might, with some show of reason, be made available. Although the distress is very lamentable, an opportunity is thus afforded for the grand and noble sight which is now exhibited, of all sorts and conditious of men," and women too, rushing forward and putting their hands in their pockets liberally; and I cannot help thinking that to do anything to stop that flow of charity would be an undue interference with "good deeds.”R. D. R.

The relief required will be more acceptable to those in distress if it come by way of private benevolence rather than by Government grant. Many of the poor have a great objection to receive any assistance of the nature of parish relief, which a national contribution would assume.-R. R.

The public has now an opportunity of displaying the better side of its nature, by responding to the cry for help which Lancashire makes to those who fortunately are not affected, or only partially, by the civil strife now raging in America. So far the subscriptions have been given with a liberal hand, and they have sufficed to meet the necessities of the case. Until the

public is weary of contributing, why damp its ardour in the good work by even mentioning having recourse to the public treasury?-H. R.

The alacrity with which the workmen of England are giving out of their hardearned wages for the relief of their brethren in the cotton districts, excites the admiration of the country. They appear to vie with the middle classes in the amount of their subscriptions to mitigate, as far as possible, the undeserved calamity which has fallen upon the industry of so large a portion of our population. The adoption of the voluntary principle in this emergency will raise our country in the estimation of the whole world.-H. S.

There is no lovelier action than that of making a free, spontaneous gift. Indeed, no actions more develop the noble qualities of a man than those of free will giving. Voluntaryism is better than compulsion. Law should step in when duty fails. Men first-law next. Far better that some should give because it is right to give, even though others do not, than that all should give because such is the law. Public opinion, too, is a mighty power, and often works wonders. A tax would not affect any but ratepayers, unless it be injuriously to affect those below them in freeing them from the feeling that it is necessary that they should give. Moreover, a tax would (in the degree of their means) place ratepayers on a level, and thus, to a great extent, shut out that generous emulation in well-doing so desirable in a Christian community. So long, then, as private alms suffice, let not national bounty be called in.-ARTHUR.

My reasons against national bounty, in the shape of a parliamentary money grant, are as follows:-1. Admitted that John Bull's purse is long, it is yet not so inexhaustible as applicants for his bounty would fain persuade him. So many millions sterling are annually raised for imperial purposes, that taxation, to the tune of a few millions more, is treated of by some writers as a matter

of little moment. A small grant to Cottonia in distress would be of but little service, and, in fact, all those persons, from Cobden downwards, who are calling for Government assistance, insist on grants for heavy amounts. Now every penny of the amount granted comes out of some one's pocket; most of our taxation rests on articles consumed in larger quantities in proportion to their income by the operative and struggling middle classes, than by the higher middle and upper classes, who subsist on the produce of realized capital, either alone or combined with their own labour. It follows, then, that a grant amounts really to an involuntary national subscription, paid by those who are least able to afford it. 2. National bounty means national waste. There is just such an amount of uncertainty about the flow of private benevolence as leads to strict economy on the parts f dispensers of the same, and to an honest endeavour on every one's part to make a penny do a penny's work. Many of the lowest class of cotton operatives, mostly importations from Ireland and other parts of England during the recent expansion of the trade, need to be carefully dealt with, and to have relief sparsely dealt out, lest they should sink into that helpless, indolent state so fully expressed by the one word-pauperism. (I am careful to distinguish between the two classes of cotton workers, the one careful, saving, intellectual; the other thriftless, spendthrift, and dissipated: newspaper writers have run the two classes together.) 3. National bounty will dry up the stream of private benevolence. The owners of many mills are running them two, three, four, and some six days per week, at a heavy loss, as their contribution to the relief fund; others are paying two, three, four, up to six day wages to their hands, while the spindle looms remain still. Honour to them! Many other manufacturers of smaller means are preparing to resume work as soon as cotton falls sufficiently to render the loss on working up a bearable burden. Government bounty

will deprive masters of all inducements to such sacrifices. Per contrà, my reasons in favour of relying on private benevolence are:-1. No governmental machinery for the distribution of relief could be constructed which would be equal to the agency of many thousand educated and intelligent Christians who are employed many hours per day, not in hope of gain, but for love of a common Redeemer, and in remembrance of a common humanity. 2. The generous response of manufacturers, landowners, merchants, and the country at large, has contributed, and will contribute, to lessen the gulf, which some feared was widening, between the hand-workers and headworkers. All those resident now in Cottonia must have frequently heard expressions of heartfelt gratitude and kindness used by operatives towards those who previously were regarded with suspicious hatred. 3. If we believe the Gospel at all, we should believe (how few of us really do!) that "it is more blessed to give than to receive." We may depend upon it, that no contribution, given in a christian spirit, will lose its reward.N. E.

NATIONAL BOUNTY.

The distress which the cotton districts at present suffer is admittedly imputable to our national policy. It is the result of the legislative wisdom or unwisdom of the nation's representatives. It is therefore the duty of the workers of the woe to devise and set in operation the remedy. The evil is wrought by the advisers of the Crown, acquiesced in by the entire community; and that community which approves of and supports the policy of Lancashire starvation, ought undoubtedly to have their share of the evil brought distinctly home to them by the tap of the taxgatherer at their doors. This is the only way of making them feel their responsibility for the ongoings of the Government. Only when a national policy toucles men's pockets does it

much affect the personal conscience. We think the Lancashire distress ought to be relieved by the national bounty, because it is the result of the national will.-G. N.

The aid of the Lancashire distress by private alms is, in reality, making the poor, out of their poverty, support their brethren. Reckon the poor seamstress's penny with a lordling's thousand, and compare its relation to her income and to his, and it will be found that the loud-resounding sum bruited abroad pompously in the advertising columns of the newspapers near which the lordly estates lie, is but a paltry mite compared to the sacrifice of that one penny by the long-houred sitter at the needle. The real charity shown in the case is not the be-puffed aristocrat's large sum, advertised in the daily records, but in the small, difficultyearned, sweat-wet pence of the fellowoperative-registered only in heaven. Private alms is, in reality, a tax on the poor to save the rich, while the latter get all the credit, renown, and buttered talk. Tax all alike, and how different would be the sum payable by the noble and wealthy from that which shows so largely in the county paper!-TOM SENSIBLE.

Given, the task to ease the revenue of a burden which has usually been cast upon it-call the tax charity, and it is accomplished. How much more cleverly we can financier nowadays than in those of our great-grandfathers! How much better, even, than twenty years ago! Then, Ireland endured sad privations, and the nation's millions went down into every Irish hut and cabin in blessing and plenty. Since, the Indian mutiny called for excessive taxation, and when all was wrung out that could be by the taxman's heavy hand, some bright genius devised the sounding brass and tinkling eymbal of charity, and pockets opened, and gold flowed, and the national exchequer was materially eased thereby; and now wretchedness is at our doors, and the exchequer rires to have any pressure

upon it repressed, and the same cry for good Samaritanism" is got up. The Lancashire people paid nobly when they had; why not let them now reap the tithe of a ten-thousandth part of that which in their prosperity they gave? Public bounty is their due.-BOLTON OLDHAM.

If the question were, How to institute a tax which would fall least heavily on those most bound to pay? no plan could possibly be devised better than to proceed in the present distress to trust to private alms. The niggardly, selfish, soulless wretch whose fortune has been secured to him by dint of avaricious pinching of the toiling millions, or by the accident of birth, totally escapes, or flourishes as a noble benefactor by a donation of-say £15, when it is known that that is scarcely an hour's income to him; while the poor labourer, who counts his hour's wage by pence, gives his weekly shilling ungrudgingly all through the hard weeks of winter; or the schoolgirl gives her doll-money and relinquishes her weekly sweets to buy a bit of bread for some hungry Lancashire maiden. Conscience can apportion well; but when the selfish soul begins to truckle with conscience, the proportion has a small chance of being rightly wrought out. An Inland Revenue officer would do it far more impartially.-JACOB.

Government aid would have many advantages over private help. If the public bounty were granted, it would be given in such a form as to insure sufficient and efficient support to the sufferers; it would be systematically distributed, carefully looked after, and well guarded. Government is at present shirking its true responsibilities, and throwing upon the general philanthropy of the public, the duty of protecting the vast mass of life at risk in the districts of Cottondom. It is now taxing the generous, to relieve itself from the embarrassments of the times. It is using up

the subventions of charity to save itself from the unpopularity of "high estimates." The cowardice of Government is trusting in the bravery of christian philanthropy, and is using the public feeling as an excuse for its own inaction. Let us have the responsibility fastened on the right place and persons, and let the sacred lives of British subjects at home get a small share of the vast revenues of Britain expended so freely in the protection of British life and property abroad.-T. GOODMAN.

A Government grant would meet the exigencies of this calamity better than trusting to the uncertain offerings of the public; for in this case, if sufficient were not placed at the disposal of the various committees who dispense relief, the consequences would be disease and death to thousands of men who are willing to work for their living; and the guilt of this happening would lie at the door of no one in particular. But if Parliament voted a sum of money, the responsibility would then rest on the shoulders of the Government.-R. T.

The amount of relief bestowed by the committee to each person is so small, that it is barely sufficient to keep soul and body together; and the cause of this insignificant dole is owing to the fear that the public will grow tired of giving in sufficiently large donations as to justify them in increasing the present allowance. The London Committee, consequently, do not pay out at the same rate as they receive money, but have invested a large amount in consols, to provide for the time when much smaller amounts will flow into their coffers.S. S.

The relief would be more fairly distributed, and the work more systematically performed, if the Government took the superintendence. For by the present plan of divided authority, some receive aid from two funds, whilst others fail in attracting the attention of any dispensers of the public alms.-ALPHA.