Mr. N. also tells us, "the general was to exercise sole and undivided command; in him should Christ be honoured as present in his person.' Obedience, without regard to purpose or consequence; absolute and blind subjection, even to the complete and entire abjuration of self-will and personal feeling, took the position of chief and sole virtue in this association; and each member, like a staff in the hand of its wielder, and as though he were dead in himself, and alive only by the spirit of his commander, was to yield himself unreservedly to this one man, in whom should be vested for life the will, the being, and the well-being of each and every member, without the need of accounting to any one for the use he made of his authority or influence." This generalship, after feeling and expressing various objections, Loyola accepted, and, as Mr. N. further tells us, "he was now in a place of divine providence to his associates, and the intense reality of his power received confirmation by a solemn and extraordinary ceremony of installation held simultaneously in the seven chief churches of Rome, on 23rd April, 1541. The chief display was made in St. Paul's, without the city, where Loyola, qui fût de ses sujets le vainquer et le père,' administered the eucharist to his slaves, and he and they renewed together their vows of perpetual poverty, chastity, and obedience, before the altar of the Virgin, and they took the oaths of unconditional submission to him, while he declared that the Pope should hold to him, so far as obedience was concerned, the place of God." Mr. N. yet further tells us, In the mysterious seclusion of his dwelling in the Eternal City,' the daily movements of the whole world-palace, senate, council, general's camp, conference, assembly, convention, public meeting, or conspirator's hiding-place-at home or abroad, had all its proceedings noted and marked out for him, so that all the ongoings of men were open to his view, and could be used as he listed for behoof of the interests of the society of which he was the head-to push its advantage to the utmost verge of enterprise and daring." Yet again Mr. N. writes, "Everywhere this immense secret guild-animated by one purpose, though employing all means, and guided by one prescient intellect, though exercising every faculty of each individual member-crept into kings' courts, collegiate halls, lordly palaces, concubines' confessionals, peoples' confidence, and papal favour. Unwearying watchfulness, unslumbering zeal, patient persistency, keen prying into every avenue opening the least hope, and an exhaustless cunning, led to a success such as the papal power had never attained, even in the days of its mightiest prestige, its indisputable supremacy. From being servants, they became equals, then they aspired to mastery, and aimed at giving law to Catholic Christendom."* In his essay on Ranke's "History of the Popes," Macaulay * British Controversialist (1859), vol. ii. pp. 147, 149, 150, 152, which see. writes,-" Jesuits were to be found under every disguise, and in every country; scholars, physicians, merchants, serving-men; in the hostile court of Sweden, in the old manor-houses of Cheshire, among the hovels of Connaught; arguing, instructing, consoling, stealing away the hearts of the young, animating the courage of the timid, holding up the crucifix before the eyes of the dying. Nor was it less their office to plot against the thrones and lives of apostate kings, to spread evil rumours, to raise tumults, to inflame civil wars, to arm the hand of the assassin. Inflexible in nothing but in their fidelity to the Church, they were equally ready to appeal in her cause to the spirit of loyalty and to the spirit of freedom. Extreme doctrines of obedience and extreme doctrines of liberty, the right of rulers to misgovern the people, the right of every one of the people to plunge his knife in the heart of a bad ruler, were inculcated by the same man, according as he addressed himself to the subject of Philip or to the subject of Elizabeth. Some described these divines as the most rigid, others as the most indulgent of spiritual directors; and both descriptions were correct. The truly devout listened with awe to the high and saintly morality of the Jesuit. The gay cavalier who had run his rival through the body, the frail beauty who had forgotten her marriage vow, found in the Jesuit an easy, well-bred man of the world, who knew how to make allowance for the little irregularities of people of fashion. The confessor was strict or lax, according to the temper of the penitent. The first object was to drive no person out of the pale of the Church. Since there were bad people, it was better that they should be bad Catholics than bad Protestants. If a person was so unfortunate as to be a bravo, a libertine, or a gambler, that was no reason for making him a heretic too." These pictures given us by Mr. Neil, and by Lord Macaulay, of Loyola, and of the order founded by him, show us that his and their objects were, 1st. To establish "an absolutism more real, a supremacy more permanent, a government more potent, than that which took initiation from the Vatican," thus fastening the chains of bondage more firmly than ever on human minds. 2nd. To make every branch of thought bend and incline Romeward, thus affixing the chains on the human mind at every point, and extending that influence which, wherever it is successfully exerted, is found to be soul-withering, intellect-blighting, and accursed. 3rd. "To mingle in every political movement, and impart a religious tendency to it," that is, leaven as far as possible the politics of the whole world with the spirit of Roman Catholicism. 4th. To beat back Protestantism, and enter into a crusade against it, till the Church attained its old predominance, and once more enslaved those who had gained their freedom. 5th. To make the general of the order to be honoured as having Christ present in his person. 6th. To enforce obedience to him, whether the objects and consequences of that obedience were good or wicked. 7th. To make every member of the order his blind, unquestioning slave. 8th. To make him perfectly irresponsible except to the Pope, who was to occupy towards him the place of God. 9th To seek to overturn rulers who were opposed to the Church; to spread strife and anarchy in their dominions, and to justify any individual in being the assassin of an heretical ruler. 10th. To overlook heinous evils in adherents of the Church of Rome. 11th. To penetrate into the secrets of every palace, senate, camp, assembly, and dwelling, and use those secrets for the advancement of the objects of the Church. Does the fact that these were the objects of Loyola render his character worthy of our admiration and respect? The untiring pursuit of these objects was THE leading feature of his character. Can any Englishman of the nineteenth century pronounce that character to be worthy of admiration, and thus give sanction to the systematic espionage employed by him, which to every true Briton is peculiarly distasteful? Can any British Controversialist pronounce that character to be worthy of respect, and, by so doing, sanction the trammelling of human thought, and that worst of all slavery-a mental one? IV. In religion Loyola was profoundly and wholly deceived. "His overwrought fancy represented with the utmost vividness the Mother-Maid, with her glorified child, as appearing to him in the radiant benignity of heavenliness, and accepting his proffered devotion." Macaulay, with his usual keen sense, writes of him, The same lively imagination, which had been employed in picturing the tumult of unreal battles and the charms of unreal queens, now peopled his solitude with saints and angels. The Holy Virgin descended to commune with him. He saw the Saviour face to face with the eye of flesh. Even those mysteries of religion, which are the hardest trial of faith, were in his case palpable to sight. It is difficult to relate without a pitying smile, that in the sacrifice of the mass he saw transubstantiation take place, and that, as he stood praying on the steps of the Church of St. Dominic, he saw the Trinity in Unity, and wept aloud with joy and wonder." His expectation was to obtain the favour of heaven by his works,-a delusion the greatest that ever can by possibility take possession of the mind of man. Does his deceived condition, or his belief in the mummeries of Rome, entitle him to our respect and admiration? Does it not rather represent him as a shrivelled, dwarfish, one-sided specimen of humanity, believing anything that Rome advanced, however absurd? Is it possible for any man not to be this, who is an abject devotee of the Pope or of the Church of Rome? What estimable qualities was Loyola possessed of? THE PERMANENT CONNECTION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES. 123 He was sincere. So was Saul of Tarsus, who, when he put the saints to death, vainly imagined that he did God service. He was not destitute of wisdom in the choice of means for the attainment of his objects, but it was exerted for unworthy purposes. It was of that low kind which never rises to the designing of aught that is truly noble. It was wisdom of a sordid nature, such as we often see in some of our own countrymen, who have wisdom of a kind that enables them to amass riches, or to avoid the ill opinion of the world by deeply politic steps. But as to wisdom of a higher character, alas! in them it is wholly wanting. Their minds are neither cultivated, refined, nor expanded, but they are wofully cramped and besotted. There was a certain greatness in Loyola's scheme, but it was greatness in wickedness. His project was a masterpiece, but it was a masterpiece of evil. With respect to a mind of the east of Loyola's, Macaulay, in his essay on Chatham, hits it when he says of the mind of Grenville, "That small, sharp mind." Loyola had self-denial; but it was like the self-denial of all real Catholics, who, even while they are mortifying the flesh, are gratifying self in the highest possible degree, by thinking themselves exceedingly religious and meritorious in the performance of their deeds. Thus in Loyola, under the garb of self-denial, self was fostered, as the man who thinks within himself, "How humble I am!" is at that moment on the pinnacle of pride. The desires of Loyola respecting the souls of men were an infatuation. We cannot, therefore, believe Loyola to have been either a great or a good man. But we believe that he was a pitiable dupe, and, as such, in no degree entitled to our admiration and respect. S. S. Politics. IS THE PERMANENT CONNECTION OF THE BRITISH AFFIRMATIVE ARTICLE.-II. We propose, first, to point out some of the advantages derived by an old country in possessing colonial dependencies; and, secondly, to show that when the colonies have thrived, and become the seats of a moderately large population, that then it is not for the interest of either the mother country or the colonies to dissever the political connection existing between them. The formation of colonies is among the oldest events handed down by tradition, or recorded in history. England was not the first among European powers that planted settlements in parts beyond Europe. She has now acquired by her own colonization, and by the conquest of the settlements of other nations, a more extensive dominion over colonies than any other country. The advantages that accrue from colonial possessions to the mother country are the extension of the manufactures and the trade of the parent country by the demand for Home products which arises in the colonies, the consequent impulse given to industry in the old country, and the opportunities which labourers and small capitalists have of improving their condition by emigrating to a country where labour is wanted, and where land is to be had at a low price. Many of our colonies are desirable posts for protecting British commerce and shipping. Another advantage may be said to be the establishment of penal colonies, where convicts can be employed on the public works, instead of being set free in England with a ticket-of-leave before the expiration of their sentences. But the chief motive for establishing colonies is, the desire of the Government to provide its surplus population and capital with a wider field for their energies and employment than they would possess if they remained in a thickly populated territory. When families from a civilized nation take possession either of a waste country, or of one so thinly peopled that the natives readily give place to the new settlers, that colony advances more rapidly in wealth and the comforts of life than any other human society. This prosperity of new colonies is easily accounted for when we consider that the colonists carry from the old country a superior knowledge of agriculture, and of other useful arts than is possessed by the savage, or half-civilized people they are about to supplant. Again, they carry with them some notion of the regular government under which they have previously existed, and they naturally establish a very similar system in the new settlement. On the The effect of the colonial trade is to open a great, though distant, market for such parts of the produce of British industry as may exceed the demand of the markets nearer home. Agriculture is the proper business of all new colonies, the cheapness of land rendering this employment more advantageous than any other. England, on the contrary, is a manufacturing country, and one of the best uses of its colonies is to barter its skilled manufactures for the grain, wool, &c., from its colonies. English colonists have never yet contributed anything towards the defence of the mother country, or towards the support of its civil government. contrary, they have hitherto been defended almost entirely at the cost of the old country. Thus, the most important part of the expenditure of Government providing for the defence and protection of our colonies has constantly fallen upon the revenues of the parent state, leaving only the very moderate amount required for civil government to be borne by the settlers. The advantages of being a colonial dependency of Britain, therefore, seem great. It is protected at the expense of others, and it is allowed to manage its own affairs, which it does by an Assembly of the Representatives |