to collect the sense of the nation from the effect it might have on the projects of the new committee of finance sitting at the mansion-house. It would be well to treat that house with a little more respect, and not revive in the persons of a few merchants there the characters of the Scotch lords of the, articles, who previously were accustomed to digest every law which was proposed to the parliament of that country. He sincerely hoped their privileges would be asserted, and all innovations resisted; and he seized, he said, this opportunity of protesting against such projects, because, of all the measures, the plan of finance, reported to have been discussed there, was the most impolitic and unequitable; and if it extended to the new speculations of the enemy, it was not possible to know what mischievous effects it might produce on the permanent revenue of the country. The hon. baronet (sir J. S. Mildmay) had alluded in his speech to the progress of the assessed taxes, and expressing pleasure that the last had fallen short of the minister's expectations; as also, that the landtax was likely to meet with few supporters amongst the proprietors of land; as every thing taken from the owners by that project would be taken from the improvement of their estates, and whatever blighted agricultural industry would impoverish the country. Sir John Sinclair said, that he wished the minister to unfold his plans, that the house might form some notion of the burthens they had yet to bear, and the retrenchments they must yet adopt. It was likewise, he thought, the duty of the right hon. gentleman to apologise for certain expressions with which he had ended his parliamentary career last sessions. [As this sentence had obvi

ously some reference to the affair: between Mr Pitt and Mr. Tierney, there was a general cry," To order!"] The speaker then pronounced it an infallible rule of the house, that no speech should be subject of animadversion excepting on the day of its delivery, or at the next sitting, and consequently this language was disorderly. Sir John pleaded his ignorance in having transgressed, and declared that he cheerfully submitted to such high authority; con-. cluding with a hope that our victo-. ries might restore peace, and not be wasted on the projects of a finance

minister.

Sir Francis Burdett opened his speech with regretting that all our conquests were only signals of new expeditions and accumulated burthens, instead of the long-wishedfor blessing-peace. He had apprehended that the victory of admiral Nelson would produce an union of states, which before were adverse to each other, and enable us to preserve the balance of Europe. With joy he would consent to this union as a means of attaining tranquillity; but, on the contrary, if it was used as an instigation for.continuing the war, our most noble exploits could only be regarded as forerunners of calamity. In the speech from the throne there appeared a studied ambiguity of expression; and it was impossible to trace the future measures of administration, the line of policy which would be pursued, or the sacrifices which the country would be required to make towards plans of ambition or of security. Not a word was dropt of our allies, of the zealous emperor of Germany, or the faithful king of Prussia; but we had panegyrics on the magnanimity of Russia, and the decision of the Ottoman Porte. Before we could consent to the

plans

plans of the minister for extending our commerce, and increasing our prosperity, it was necessary to know what were the real objects of the contest. It was not difficult to swell periods with these terms; but a member of that house would but ill discharge his duty to his constituents by implicitly confiding to any minister the preservation of the one, and the means of adding to the other. But there was one point which particularly demanded attention: the promise of accomplishing the deliverance of all Europe. To him these words were unintelligible. Were we again to empty our coffers to restore Belgium to the emperor, or Italy to its pristine state? Would new coalitions succeed against France in the plenitude of power, when, in her distracted situation, in the infancy of her glory, without allies, her antient territory ill secured, and herself alone, she had fought her battles with success against all Europe? If the emperor, the kings of Prussia, Spain, and Portugal; if the disciplined troops of England, and its resources, could not subdue her; was there any reason for us to expect conquest from new alliasces rising out of the ruins of the old? His next subject of animadversion was what he considered to be an attack upon the laws and liberties of our country. The men, he said, who held the situation of conservators of the public safety, who bad the command of the vessel of the state, had criminally deserted their legal posts, and had thrown overboard the ballast constitution disabling the national bark for ever. This abridgement of the privileges of Englishmen was the work of the ministers; but could not have been achieved, if every man had faithfully discharged his duty and his obligations to his 1799.

country. They could not have divided the kingdom against itself, usurped the jurisprudence, and dared to have erected a bastile in Britain.

Having complained of these grievances, he believed, he said, that the language of every real patriot would be," that if unanimity was desirable, let us be restored to our good old laws for rules of action; let a fair representation of the people in their parliament be made; let us see the prisons destroyed, and our constitution re-established: for, without these, to call upon the country for unconditional support, was adding mockery and insult to injury and injustice."

The question was carried with only one dissenting voice.

The first weeks of the session were principally occupied by a new system of finance, introduced by the minister, and which in a future chapter it will be our object to detail. The next measure of importance introduced by his majesty's ministers, was the continuance of the bill for the suspension of the habeas corpus act; but, previous to this business, a motion was introduced by Mr. Tierney relative to peace, which it is necessary to notice. It was on the 11th of December that Mr. Tierney submitted his motion to the house of commons; and it was in substance, "that the ministers should advise his majesty against entering into any engagements which could impede a negotiation for peace, whenever a disposition appeared in the French republic to treat on terms consistent with the interests of Great Britain."

He was well aware, he said, that this motion was an encroachment on the prerogative of the crown, which unquestionably possessed the power of making war or peace: but it belonged to the house to grant

B

supplies;

supplies; and, as one of its members, he had as good a right to say that the supplies granted to the crown should be granted exclusively to England, as to vote against them: a right which no one would attempt to deny.

But it might be objected, that this motion tended to damp the rising spirit of Europe. If that spirit was likely to animate all Europe against the common enemy, he should be the last man in the country to wish it discouraged; but there was no spirit arising from a good principle in any quarter; and on its principle alone must depend the value and the duration of any spirit. What had been the conduct of the powers of the continent? Had a systematic course of opposition to the ambitious projects of France ever been pursued by any of them? Prussia had been at peace for three years. The minister of the repub. lic was treated there with all the respect which nations observe towards those with whom they wish to continue a good understanding. The emperor also had no dispute with the French at present. Russia made professions in our favour; but this was all. The Ottoman l'orte had expressed some resentment against what Mr. Tierney said he considered a sudden act of injustice not that he meant to say the French had not been guilty of the most scandalous injustice in many respects before; but the opposition of the Porte to the republic would discontinue the instant they could obtain for themselves what they wanted they would have no share in the general deliverance of Eu rope. A general spirit to resist the French was not to be seen; nor a general confederacy to be expected. The great confederacy against France was when the unfortunate

monarch was under trial, and at the time of his death. The combined powers were then in the greatest force. France had no settled government; all that she possessed was employed to resist invasion. Her troops were und.sciplined; and she had nothing to depend upon but the energy of the people. It was then that a confederacy was most formidable. But what had been its effect? Total discomfitore of the confederates! Whether it was produced by the skill of the French, or their own jealousy and indecision, the consequence was the same. And was the skill of the one less, and the union of the other greater, than before? Were the generals weaker now, and the allies more attached to each other? Was it to be believed that Austria would place more confidence in Prussia (supposing a new combination was formed) than she did formerly? Could England have more confidence in either of them, after having been deserted by both? Ought we to vote for larger supplies than any that had yet been voted, for the purpose of adjusting this or that point which might belong to the left or right side of the Rhine? Were these points essential to the welfare of Great Britain? Could we derive any hope from the prompt. action of the Ottoman Porte? Would any man say, that any of these combinations could be of real service to England?

To all this it had been answered, that those nations now understood their own interest better than before. What proof was there of it The combined powers predicted all the evils which had happened in consequence of the anarchy of France; nor did they fail to ascribe them to French principles. Here Mr. Tierney said it was necessary

to

sidies to the continent. In the name of the comfort, the quiet, and the safety of the country, he protested against it! We were carrying on a war, the expense of which, by estimate, was 30 millions a year, which was two millions and a half every month. We had added in six years 150 millions sterling to our debt, by which we had created the necessity of adding 8 millions to our annual burdens: a sum equal to the whole of our expenditure when his present majesty came to the throne. Were he to affirm that the real addition to our debt at the end of the year would be 180 millions, he should not exceed the point. It was firmly his opinion, that the chancellor of the exchequer knew that our affairs could not be wound up for a peace establishment without the greatest difficulty, and therefore was willing to prolong the war. But, to what a state were we reduced when the tenth of every man's income was demanded under one head, independent of all other imposts, to support the establishment, and that this subjected every man to the inconvenience of having his accounts examined? We were also called with too much reason an armed nation; for, though he felt the pride which an Englishman ought to feel at the attach ment of his countrymen to their country, evinced by their qualify ing themselves to defend it, this measure must increase the influence of the crown, which was a great evil in its nature, besides the bring ing under military discipline so many men who were more useful in the civil offices of life. The law had silenced every man in the country, (excepting in that house) by the suspension of the habeas corpus act; and when all these circumstances were added together, was

it probable that the constitution of England, or the purses of the people, could support this system of destruction much longer?

As to the other parts of the empire, Ireland for instance, he would say but little; but he understood that, notwithstanding all the efforts to repress rebellion there, further exertions were yet wanted. He merely hinted at this; he would not argue the point, for reasons which the house might guess. If we looked at our establishments in the East, we should see very large expenses; and in the West-Indies the first thing which presented itself was the evacuation of St. Domingo. He meant not to reproach the gallant officer who conducted it-he was sensible of the great value of his military services; but this evacuation was an alarming thing. Here was a power to be raised which cost ten millions of British money, and ten thousand British subjects! From this frightful expenditure of blood and money, what had been the result? Fifty thousand blacks had started up in arms! and thus, within a few hours sail of our West-India colonies, there was a force of no less than 50,000 black men disciplined to arms, and inflamed with enthusiastic notions of liberty. Then let us consider the situation of the enemy: they had now, if not the first, certainly the most successful general in Europe: he was now at the head of a large army in Egypt, where he had remained many months without having received one check. Should he come back again to France, and turn his mind against this country, Mr. Tierney said, he hoped we should be able to meet him; but it would be a very serious thing: and surely, with all these prospects, we had enough to

do,