With excellent tact and judgment he has extricated himself from all difficulties, and has given us a volume which we may place on the shelves of our libraries with unmingled satisfaction. Of the two, we prefer his essay on Shakspeare to his essay on Corneille. Here perhaps we are biassed by national partiality, and may consider that the superior grandeur of the subject inspired the commentator with superior energy for the occasion. Incorporated with the present work, is a very interesting paper "On 'Othello' and Dramatic Art in France," written by the Duke de Broglie, and first printed in the "Revue Française," in January, 1830. The review of "Othello," particularly that part which embraces the character and proceedings of Iago, is well deserving the study of the inquiring reader. The whole forms an apposite and agreeable pendant to the subject-matter with which it is associated. The translator, we presume, to be the same to whom the public is indebted for "Corneille and his Times." We observe the same perspicuous style and careful revision which obtained such well deserved praise on the publication of the corresponding volume. THE PLEDGE OF LOVE. THE sixpence is broken,-and each takes a part, And each swears the token to wear next the heart, An ancient custom the act allows, But I hear superstition allege, Alas! 'tis awful for lovers' vows To commence with a broken pledge! M. A. B. MEMOIRS OF THE COUNT DE LA MARCK. "I SHALL not here attempt to enter into full particulars concerning Mirabeau's plan, a detailed account of it will be found among the other materials; it would be somewhat difficult to form a decided opinion with regard to this vast scheme. To many persons it would seem almost impossible to be carried out, but it must be borne in mind, that Mirabeau imagined that he was to be the chief engine in working out this plan, the soul of the undertaking, that he was to guide the movements of the immense machine; the merit of the conception could only be proved when it was brought into play; unfortunately the death of the author put an end to the whole project, and when the master spirit was removed the machine became useless and fell to pieces. It will be observed that Mirabeau did not admit alike to his confidence, all the deputies whom it was desirable for the Court to bring over to its side; this precaution was rather remarkable, and will serve to show the degree of confidence which he placed in their respective opinions. They were all distinguished men, quite capable of perceiving the faults which many among them had committed, or allowed to be committed; they repented of them, and would have wished to repair them, but amour propre, and even fear, prevented them from doing so. Besides, the political sentiments of some of them were very dissimilar; these disagreements gave birth, in many cases, to feelings of animosity, and it would have been impossible to establish such harmony as to enable them to cooperate in the great work of the restoration of royal authority. The precaution which was taken with regard to Barnave, who was never to meet the other deputies at M. de Montmorin's, will appear very striking. This young man, who had only just left college, was nothing but a provincial lawyer; was much sought after in Paris by the most remarkable men of the revolutionary party; for instance, by the Duke d'Aiguillon, the Duke de la Rochefoucault, by Laborde de Méréville, the eldest son of a rich French banker, and, like him, a deputy in the Assembly, and even by the old Duchess d'Enville's society, which was entirely composed of philosopher-reformers. He had been fêted and flattered by these persons, who were so much above himself in condition; above all, he had become the intimate friend of the Duke d'Aiguillon, and also of the Messieurs Lameth and of M. Laborde: these last mentioned persons had made him the partaker of all their pleasures and of their political intrigues, for here his superior talents rendered him very useful to them. But it may be observed, that when Barnave was left to follow his natural impulses, he no longer appeared to be a radical; the manner in which he exerted himself to preserve St. Domingo to France, sufficiently proves that his real opinions were not so revolutionary as was imagined. Before Mirabeau recommended him to the Court, as being likely to save it, he (Barnave), had not separated himself from his friends, but he had already ceased to depend on them. He had seen M. de Montmorin privately, and had been well received by him. M. de Montmorin informed Mirabeau of this interview, who, in consequence, became thoroughly confirmed in his opinion respecting the use to which Barnave might be turned, and thus it was that he was selected with a view of being employed as an agent in carrying out Mirabeau's vast plan. "It will be necessary for me to say a few words concerning three other persons who also figured in this plan. These three persons were MM. Talon, De Semonville, and Duquesnoy. Mirabeau had mentioned MM. Talon and De Semonville as being badly disposed to the Court, in several documents, which he forwarded to the King. They were on terms of great intimacy with La Fayette, and by their manœuvres assisted him in supporting his authority; this was quite enough to make Mirabeau distrust them. I do not know whether La Fayette would not yield to some one or other of their claims, or whether they discovered that he was gradually losing popularity; but this is very certain, that they all left him and proceeded to enlist themselves under other banners. "Towards the end of the month of October, 1790 (I think it was about that time), I was exceedingly surprised one morning to receive a visit from M. Talon and M. Duquesnoy, a member of the National Assembly, and to learn that they had come on the part of M. de Montmorin, to propose to Mirabeau that he should form a coalition with him (M. de Montmorin); they added that La Fayette was to be entirely left out in this coalition. I listened quietly to all that was said, and only observed in return, that I should take care to inform those persons of their propositions who were immediately concerned in them. I accordingly spoke at once to the Queen on the subject, and also wrote respecting the same matter to M. de Mercy, with whom I kept up a regular correspondence. Neither of them offered the slightest objection to the contemplated association, so they only referred to Mirabeau and M. de Montmorin, to ascertain whether they agreed to this coalition. Mirabeau was called upon then to decide whether the offer should be accepted; it was accepted, but upon certain conditions. MM. de Mirabeau and de Montmorin placed too little confidence in MM. Talon and de Semonville, to put them in possession of the principal secrets of their coalition; but, on the other hand, they thought they might be made useful; in short, it was better that they should be friends than enemies in the then state of affairs. "M. Talon had been the King's attorney-general in the vicinity of the Châtelet de Paris, which position brought him into the best society; he had a large fortune, sought for the highest posts, and exerted all his influence with a view of being appointed Keeper of the Seals. At a time when intrigue was so actively going forward, M. Talon was not a man whose offers of assistance could be repulsed with impunity. "M. de Semonville, who was a conseiller in parliament before the Revolution, the principles of which he afterwards so ardently embraced, had originally, as I have before mentioned, formed a close intimacy with La Fayette; he was a shrewd, active, and very intelligent man, well calculated for intrigue, which he thoroughly enjoyed, independently of the advantages which it brought him: he might be made a useful agent, but as an enemy he was decidedly dangerous. "M. Duquesnoy was a solicitor and deputy of the Assembly for the bailiwick of Nancy; he was also a man of great energy, and not without talent nor address. Soon after the opening of the Assembly, he appeared to be a thorough Republican, but he afterwards changed his opinions. "Such were the men who were employed towards the end of 1790, as principal agents in carrying out the vast plan which Mirabeau had conceived; what part they took in the first stage of working out this plan, may be gathered from some papers among the rest of the materials. Circumstances occur in politics, when one is compelled to act as one would in the ordinary affairs of life; thus, if after employing an agent, or any instrument whatever, we discover that he does not fulfil our purpose, that he is no longer useful to us in any way, or that he may become dangerous, we get rid of him, and have nothing more to do with him. Such was Mirabeau's idea when speaking of the Constituent Assembly, of that famous Assembly which had furnished him with so many opportunities for developing his talent; he perceived from the nature of the deliberations and proceedings of this Assembly, that the overthrow of the kingdom, the massacre of the King, Queen, and children must necessarily result. 'Yes, they will drag their bodies along the pavement,' was the horrible prediction to which he continually alluded. He had sworn to protect this unfortunate family; what, then, was to be done with this Assembly, which could and ought to save the monarch and the monarchy, and which was gradually succeeding in ruining both? It must be dissolved, and in order to bring about its dissolution, it must be rendered obnoxious to those persons with whom it had hitherto been in such high favour. "Such was the project which Mirabeau formed towards the close of his life, and the plan, of which I have just spoken, sets forth the means by which he proposed to accomplish his purpose. This plan was communicated to M. Montmorin at the beginning of January 1791, and preparations were being made for putting it in execution; in a posterior document, dated the 21st of January, 1791, some additional means for effectually carrying it out, were mentioned. Mirabeau speaks, also, in this document, of the advantage which might be derived from the measures proposed by the Assembly at this period against the clergy and against religion. There was a certain degree of Machiavellism, perhaps, displayed in this last-named document; but even if this is the case, it appears to me quite justifiable, when employed with a view of establishing order and justice. The course which Mirabeau advised in the document in question, would, probably, have had the desired effect with a really religious nation, the counsel, however, which was offered in this document was never followed. "After all the particulars which I have just related, it will be no difficult matter to comprehend the nature of the Comité Autrichien, which, at a later period, created such a sensation; in reality, this comité, since so they chose to call it, was only composed of the Count de Mercy and myself. It was not, therefore, altogether an invention of the Revolutionists: certainly, in this sense, it may be said to have had its existence, only there was a mistake with regard to the period of its existence, and also with regard to the end which it had in view. This association really took place in 1790, and it was not till 1792, that it was condemned by those who made the motion of the 10th of August; but at that time the Count de Mercy had been absent from France two years, and I at least a year. But the end which this comité had in view will be thoroughly understood when the circumstances which I have previously related are borne in mind, and more fully still, when reference is made to Mirabeau's notes to the Court, and to the other papers, among which they will be found: we occupied ourselves neither with Austria, nor with its interests, in this pretended comité. I do not hesitate to say, that the Count de Mercy's departure from France in the month of September, 1790, was a most unlucky occurrence, considering the relations which had been established between the Court and the Count de Mirabeau. M. de Mercy, who had resided twenty-four years at the Court of France, had inspired the King and Queen with the greatest confidence in him, more as a man, perhaps, than as an ambassador. He fully believed that Mirabeau might be of the greatest service in securing the welfare of France, and the Royal Family; I think then, that if he had remained in Paris, he might have held powerful influence over the Court, and might have made it feel, that to ask advice and not to follow it, and to go forward to-day only to retreat tomorrow, was the sure way never to reach the desired goal. nor the Archbishop of Toulouse possessed this influence. I frankly confess it, too, I am not at all surprised that the unfortunate Queen, on finding that such different advice was showered upon her on all sides, should hesitate very frequently before giving the preference to that which was offered her by the man of whom she had already had so much reason to complain. Neither I The absence of the Count de Mercy was felt more and more every day; I had always been in the habit of consulting him when he was in Paris; but now I lacked his assistance, and my letters could not say all that was necessary to be said; he was much occupied, too, with his sovereign's private affairs; the state of the Low Countries at this time absorbed the whole of his attention, and did not permit him to enter fully into all that we had undertaken in Paris. Besides, prudence rendered it necessary for him to write all his letters in cipher, and they could only be short; while I was necessarily anxious to ascertain all that he thought of the subject under discussion, in order to rectify and support my own opinion. At a distance he approved of many things, which, if he could have looked into with care, he would possibly have condemned if he had been on the spot, he might have been more able to comprehend the consequence of such a step. When I communicated Mirabeau's vast plan to him, he spoke very highly of the conception, but stated at the same time, that he thought it would be extremely difficult to carry it out. : "If sometimes the proceedings of the Assembly alarmed me exceedingly, I felt fresh hopes awaken in me, when I saw the Count de Montmorin, upon whom I had not much depended, warmly exert himself in endeavouring to work out our different plans; he acted with perfect frankness; and Mirabeau, who was always difficult to please, generally expressed himself well satisfied with him. They had long conversations with each other nearly every day, and I fully believed that these conversations would be productive of good." "M. Talon assured me, also, that in consequence of his skilful management, he had been able to work upon the inclinations of the people of Paris, with the happiest effect. It is pleasant to believe sometimes what one wishes; and accordingly I thought I perceived that the city was less disturbed, and that several of the newspapers had become less mischievous in their tendency; in short, I gave myself up 10 hope, and endeavoured to inspire the Queen with the same feeling; but, alas! these fresh hopes were of short duration, and great uneasi |