rounded by the jealous disciples of the Church of Rome, naturally looked to this country for protection, and in time of danger sought refuge in the influence, the him by the Coronation Oath. How did the king govern the different classes of his subjects? Why, not personally, but by certain great officers of State. In the army and navy, by the Commander-in-intercession, or the power, of the Secretary chief and by the Lords of the Admiralty, and by other persons; and so it was in every other department, where certain persons appeared as the representatives of the king. These representatives of the king maintained the Protestant reformed religion in the army, and navy, and in the other departments over which they respectively presided; and thus the obligations of the Coronation Oath were fulfilled. The king, as a sovereign, transacted affairs with foreign nations, not in person, but by means of a Secretary of State. And how, he would ask, could a Protestant sovereign appear or act in foreign affairs by a Roman Catholic representative? So was it also in the colonies, where different governors were appointed, and the colonists knew the king only through these his representatives; and if they who represented the king in the colonies were not Protestants, the colonists were deprived of the care and protection of the king, so far as regarded the maintenance of the true profession of the Gospel and of the Protestant reformed religion. So, also, in the administration of the internal affairs of the kingdom-the king was only known by his representative, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in the various concerns to which the Secretary's care extended. of State for Foreign Affairs in this country. He would not mention names, but he must be allowed to say, that a former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whom he had had the honour to be acquainted with, and with whom he had had frequent communications had told him, that his interference, as Foreign Secretary, had often been successful, in behalf of oppressed bodies of Protestants on the continent. He by no means meant to say, that a Catholic would not exert himself to prevent oppression; but could the oppressed Protestants, settled in a Catholic country, trust the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, if that Secretary were a Roman Catholic, as they trusted him now, or apply to him with that confidence with which they made their applications now? They knew now that, they were sure of sympathy at least, and that they were addressing their complaints to a person who would not rejoice at their misfortunes, though he might not have the power to alleviate them. To save the time of their lordships, he would not push this matter further, but would content himself with observing, that in many foreign states there were large congregations of Protestants, with, clergy: attached to them, who required our care and protection. 14 He must beg of their lordships to be He passed now to the Secretary of allowed to go a little more into detail on State for the Colonies. It was a matter this subject. Of the army and navy he of far greater importance than he knew would say nothing, although they con- how to describe, that the Secretary for the sisted of a class of men whose religious Colonies should be well affected to the sentiments might be of the greatest im- Protestant faith. A noble lord whom he portance to the country, and who were then saw in his place, and who had for under the clerical guidance of a large some time presided over this department portion of the Protestant establishment. with benefit to the colonies, and with But let him call the attention of their honour to himself, that had never been, lordships to the Secretary of State for exceeded, had admitted him to his conForeign Affairs. He apprehended one fidence, and done him the honour to conof the great causes of the importance of sult him on several affairs connected with this country on the continent to be its the Colonial department. The zeal of, support of Protestant States in every part that noble lord, his moderation of temper, of Europe, and not only of Protestant his considerate kindness for the clergy, the States, but (which was of equal importance, pains he took to reconcile dissentionsboth as maintaining the true profession of in fact, the whole conduct of that noble the Gospel, and as indicative of the power lord had produced in his mind a respect of England) of those little bodies of for him, which he should preserve to his. Protestants which were found in large dying day. But, he asked that noble, States, and of which the members, sur-earl if he did not feel that a Catholic. could not do for the colonial church what | Department, and with a Roman Catholic he had been enabled to do; and whether, Secretary for Ireland. if a Catholic were inclined to do it, he would have the same advantages as the noble earl had possessed. Let him appeal to the noble earl whether, in respect of the church, the power of the Secretary for the Colonies was not almost absolute. The church patronage of the colonies, though not entirely, was principally at the disposal of the Secretary for the Colonies: the clergy were almost absolutely under his control. In dissensions among the clergy, and for the protection of their interests, he was the person appealed to, and these matters had always, he believed, been settled according to the strictest rules of justice; but if there was not a strong Protestant spirit in the Secretary for the Colonies, it would be in his power to discourage, to the most alarming degree, and even almost to extinguish, the Church of England, in many of the colonies. It was possible, that a person of religious mind, looking at the position which England occupied at the extensive colonies she possessed in the east, the west, the north, and the south-might believe, that she was ordained to be instrumental in the hands of Providence in extending true religion to the remotest quarters of the globe. The missionaries of England were to be found in all parts of the world-but would these zealous men continue their arduous pursuit, if a Catholic Secretary for the Colonies were added to the difficulties, already numerous enough which they had to encounter? He would maintain this position-that the king was not fairly represented in the colonies, unless he was represented by a Protestant. He had thus endeavoured to show to their lordships the sense in which he meant, that the constitution would be changed by this measure, and how it would lose its Protestant character. He did earnestly hope that noble lords would consider the heavy responsibility they incurred by supporting a measure of this nature; and, while he hoped that they would look into every department with the true spirit of Protestant statesmen, he must beg of them that they would turn their particular attention to the Church of Ireland. It was that which demanded their greatest attention; and, in his opinion, they would hardly act fairly by the people of Ireland, if they did not take the strongest measures possible for destroying the dominion of the priests, for giving instruction to the people, and for preventing the Catholics from imparting to them that instruction which was directed to the purpose of making converts. He did hope that places of worship and pastoral cures would be established throughout the country, and that from one end of Ireland to the other, there would be found no district in which the Protestant could not find a place for worshipping God as his conscience directed him, and according to the forms of the church to which he belonged. As to the duties of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, he had much to say upon that subject, but he did not feel himself justified in detaining their lordships. Much there was to be said with respect to the church patronage at his disposal, and with respect to the many institutions, connected with the Church of England, which were under his control. The dangers to which the Church of Ireland would be exposed, if this bill passed into a law, furnished an ample field for discussion: and he put it to their lordships to consider, in what a condition a Protestant lord-lieutenant of Ireland would find himself with a Roman Catholic Secretary of State for the Home VOL. X XI. With respect to securities in a measure like this, he must say, in justice to his majesty's ministers, that he was well satisfied with them for rejecting certain securities which others had proposed. Interference with the Catholic priesthood would have recognized something like a Roman Catholic establishment, and acknowledged to a certain degree, the power of the pope. He was glad, therefore, that the government contemplated no such interference. He was glad also to hear the noble duke express his determination of carrying into effect the clauses of the bill which were directed against the Jesuits. He confessed that, when he first read those clauses, he was afraid that it was intended never to carry them into effect, and that they would have been little better than a dead letter upon the Statute-book.-Though he had turned aside from the general principle of the bill to touch upon these minor regulations, still he lifted up his voice against* the general principle of the measure. He D must firmly and decidedly oppose the bill, as he always had opposed measures of this nature, he hoped, without intemperance of passion, without uncharitable feeling, and only on account of those interests which had been confided to his charge. He would trouble their lordships no longer. He had, however, an amendment to move, which was, "That this bill be read a second time this day six months." The Archbishop of Armagh rose and said:-My lords, in rising to give my decided and uncompromising opposition to the measure under your lordships' consideration, I do not expect that your lordships will be so far influenced by any words of mine, as to reject a bill which has already passed the other House of parliament, which has been introduced into this House, at the recommendation of his majesty, under the auspices of the noble duke, and with the approbation of many noble lords, who, until this session, have been hostile to its principle. But I feel that, however fruitless my opposition may be, I have a sacred duty to discharge to the Irish branch of the United Church, and to the country, in laying before your lordships my views of the proposed measure. My lords, I stop not to throw blame on any man for the change which may have taken place in his opinions; nor shall I say a word calculated to inflame the animosities, or to widen the breach of contending parties; but as amongst those who were once opposers of this measure, but who are now its supporters, there are men with whom I am connected in the strictest ties of friendship, and who have been accustomed on former occasions to pay a partial deference to my suggestions, I trust I may be permitted to express the deep concern I feel at their having committed themselves upon this important question, without even imparting to me the course they intended to pursue. Still, my lords, I am forward to believe that they have been actuated by a desire for the public good, not less intense than my own; and what I now solicit from your lordships is, that while their arguments are received with favour, you will vouchsafe a patient and candid hearing to those reasons with which I would vindicate my own consistency. My lords, I believe that, in yielding to this measure, the persons to whom I have alluded, entertain a hope, either of at length satisfying the claims of Roman Catho lic ambition, or, if that be impossible, of uniting the now divided Protestant parties in the resolute defence of their common interests. If I mistake not, the arguments of the advocates of the measure, who are at the same time the friends of the church, may be reduced to one or other of these heads. In the first place, then, I would ask, will the passing of this bill give tranquillity, as they suppose, to Ireland? Is the removal of the disabilities specified in the bill, all that the Roman Catholics seek, or with which they will rest contented? Have they so much as condescended to assure you, that they confine their views to this measure? So far from it, their leaders have explicitly told you, that their ambition is limited to no such objects. What then, is the emancipation which they seek? I verily believe, that they themselves could not, at the present moment, define it, so progressive are their encroachments and durst not if they could. It so happens, that in the very paper which announced his majesty's recommendation to parliament to revise the laws affecting Roman Catholics, with a view to the removal of civil disabilities→→ in that very paper, was contained a list of some of the grievances which are here, after to be used as a means of again disturbing the peace of Ireland. The great mover of agitation is there reported to have declared, that he will accept seven shillings and sixpence in the pound this sessions, with the full purpose of demand. ing, with renewed energy, in the ensuing one, the twelve and sixpence remaining due that the regeneration of the country will not be complete, until the odious Act of Union shall have been repealed, and Ireland, from the state of a pitiful province, to which she is reduced, restored to het just independence amongst kingdoms→→ that Mr. Pitt's pledge at the Union was to embody the Roman Catholic religion, with the state, as the Presbyterian religion was embodied at the Scottish Union, abolishing tithes, however, and making the clergy dependent on the charitable contributions of those who are to be benefited by their ministry. After the an nouncement of the measure, and even before the bill was introduced into the other House, such was the formal declaration of the conciliatory effects likely to be produced by it. It may be said, that these are the wild and visionary schemes of a public agitator. Wild and visionary as they may appear to those noble lords, who are prepared to go only certain lengths with Roman Catholics in their encroachments, they are approved and adopted as legitimate claims, by the most influential leaders of the party, and constitute the principal part of those alleged grievances which we have been asked to remedy. It may be thought the Roman Catholie aristocracy and gentry are far more moderate in their views, and the fact I believe to be so; but it is evident that the aristocracy and gentry possess little or no influence over the great body of Irish Roman Catholics; their voice is seldom heard, and when heard, it is disregarded. The priesthood are in fact every thing; and the people, and even the agitators themselves, are but instruments in their hands. It is, then, the absolute power of the Romish priesthood over a population like that of Ireland, and the projects of ambition founded on that power, which make the still-existing barriers necessary to Protestant establishments under a free and mixed constitution like our own; and, by the present bill, you take away these the only effectual securities that can be devised, without making friends of the persons against whom they are your defence: you increase the power of doing mischief, without lessening the inclination to do it. Could you by these concessions hope to appease the hostility of the Roman Catholic priesthood to what is Protestant; could you disarm them of their unbounded influence over the people; could you dissolve their blind allegiance to the see of Rome; could you free them from its jurisdiction, and make them citizens of their own country, quietly taking their stand, with other classes of Dissenters, where the wisdom of the legislature shall place them-then much good might be anticipated from this measure: but, does any one believe that by these concessions the Church of Rome will be suddenly rendered tolerant, that the Romish priesthood will be content to hold an inferior rank to a clergy, the validity of whose orders they deny, and leave in possession of its privileges a church which they revile as intrusive and heretical-that they will become indifferent to domination the Bearer they approach to it, and the greater their means for obtaining it-that they will quit their hold upon the wills and affections, the passions and prejudices, of the people, at the very moment that their spiritual despotism may be turned to most account, in forwarding their temporal aggrandizement? It is because I am persuaded that the proposed concessions will not produce these effects-that they are not desired for their own value, but as the means of attaining those ulterior objects which a legislature, essentially Protestant, can never voluntarily surrender-it is because I am persuaded that the increase of power will tend only to exasperate, if not successful in effecting the purposes for which it is coveted-it is, my lords, with this conviction on my mind, that, regardless of the obloquy and disquietude I bring upon myself, I take my stand on that ground which affords me the only firm footing for defence, and am unwil ling to abandon the position, until at least I have warned the country of its im portance to the security of the Protestant institutions of Ireland. But, my lords, necessity is, in the second place, pleaded in justification of the measure. It is described as the only means, if not of satisfying the Roman Catholics, at least of uniting the Protestants, particularly the members of the administration, in firm resistance to further encroachments. On the one hand, it is said, that with the cabinet and the two Houses of parliament divided on this great subject, a wavering and undecided policy must necessarily follow-that in such a state of things no useful measure can be adopted for the improvement of the country, or for the efficient administration of the laws, much less for extending to the church that share of protection and support which is her due. On the other hand, we are assured, if, after this last boon be granted, new demands shall be preferred and old discontents continued, and the Roman Ca tholics shall strive to raise themselves, by your concessions, to a degree of power, subversive of our establishments, that the eyes of all men will be at length opened, that the incorrigible restlessness of this sect will deprive it of every Protestant supporter, and unite the friends of the establishment in a phalanx, which will at once overwhelm the efforts of those who are leagued together for its destruction. All this, my lords, sounds well, and may seem to promise much security in tually form in the popular branch of the legislature;-a body firmly compacted for carrying Roman Catholic measures, modelling its votes solely with a view to that end, ready to throw itself into the scale of the party which shall bid the highest for its accession, embarrassing the measures of any administration that shall honestly and boldly set it at defiance; sent into the House by the influence of the Romish priesthood, who, as they have made, so they can unmake their representatives-that priesthood, governed by a foreign state, and armed with the terrors of a superstition allpowerful in Ireland Will it be said, that such a number of representatives, so constituted and so bound together by unity of purpose, so governed and so directed, would not have a preponderating weight in all deliberations-would not possess that kind of influence, which would expose the Protestant church in Ireland to the greatest danger, under the most upright and vigorous administration-would not accomplish its downfall under a weak or corrupt ministry? Of this, at least, I am confident, perspective. I am bound to give the persons who use this language full credit for the sincerity of their intentions; and I trust we shall not call upon them in vain to redeem their pledges of attachment to the church, whenever her hour of need shall come. But as to the united stand that is to be made against future encroachments, after the most effectual securities have been wrested from us, in consequence of our divisions, I confess myself to be most incredulous. If difference of views in the administration, and in the Houses of parliament, be now assigned as a reason for the surrender of our safeguards, is it to be supposed that ministers and parliament will not be again divided upon a subject so fruitful of contention that when new demands are made, and the physical force of the five millions is once more arrayed in debate against us, as it will no doubt be after the recent experience of the efficacy of such a topic of persuasion, variance of opinion will not again exist, and that our divisions will not be again brought forward as a resistless argument for the necessity of larger sacri--that to raise up such a force against the fices, in order to obtain that peace, which is continually receding from us, the more eager we shew ourselves by compromise to secure it. established church in the popular branch of the legislature, under the notion of strengthening her defences, and in expectation of controlling her adversaries, is the But the advocates of the bill deny that most unwise and hazardous policy—a poour dangers will be increased by conces- licy which has already served the purposes sion. It might be enough to answer, "the of the Roman Catholics, by disuniting the Roman Catholics themselves do not think church's friends. If it be said, that I am so." My lords, upon this point I am con- alarming myself with a phantom of my tent to rest my cause. If it can be made own imagination, I would beg noble lords appear that Roman Catholics can be admit- to consider, that the party proposed to be ted into both Houses of parliament, with- formed in parliament against the church, out increased danger to the Irish church, is one of no ordinary description. The I shall not vote for their exclusion. It Roman Catholic representatives, about to will not be thought unnatural or indeco- be admitted from Ireland into the other rous in your eyes, that the welfare of that House, will not be the representatives of church should be my first and principal property, or of the people; they will not object. I regard it as one of the great even express public feeling, or well-directed providential instruments of doing good; public opinion: they will, in effect, be the as the great barrier against superstition on agents and commissioners of the Roman the one hand, and fanaticism on the other priesthood, sent thither to give utterance -as the incorrupt witness of truth in a to the sentiments, and to manage the inland abounding with error and delusion. terests of that body; a body, it should be Now, my lords, on this point I would en- recollected, which has objects to gain and treat your lordships, and every man who views to promote, irreconcileable with the is acquainted with the state of political general good of the empire. The priestparties, and the manner in which business hood of the Church of Rome, must ever is conducted in parliament, to consider stand alone in a Protestant country; Prohow great would be the influence exercised testant sects run into each other, and finalover public measures, by a body so largely unite with the Established Church. as that which we have reason to think the But the Romish priesthood have set the Roman Catholic representation will even- mark of separation upon their own fore |