chow, appointed the duke of Peih to protect and regulate that district and its people. This Book contains the charge to him as it was recorded on tablets.' Keun-ch'in, who had succeeded to the duke of Chow in charge of Ching-chow, has followed him to the grave. By the labours of those two great ministers, a considerable change had been effected in the character of the people of Yin who had been transferred to that district. King K'ang appoints the duke of Peih to enter into and complete their work, adopting such measures as the altered character of the people, and altered circumstances of the time, called for. The charge occupies all the Book after an introductory paragraph, and may be divided into three chapters, each introduced by the words-The king said.' The first, parr. 2-5, speaks of what had been accomplished in Ching-chow, and the admirable qualities of Kaou which fitted him to accomplish what remained to be done. The second, parr. 6-11, speaks of the special measures which were called for by the original character and by the altered character of the people. The third, parr. 12-15, dwells on the importance of the charge, and stimulates the duke, by various motives, to address himself to fulfil it effectually. of those times counted the day when the sun and moon were veritably in conjunction to be the first day of the moon. The time of a lunation was divided into the time of brightness and the time of obscurity; the passage from the obscure to the bright time was described as "the death of the obscure," and the passage from the bright to the obscure time as "the birth of the obscure;' "The Testamentary Charge." The standard History gives 26 as the years of K'ang's reign; if that be correct, his death took place B.C. 1,042, since we have found that B.C. 1,056 was his 12th year; and B.C. 1,067 was the first year of his reign. -see " "This year, B.C. 1,067, should be marked by the cycle characters, the 11th year of the cycle. Now, the "Bamboo Books" do mark his first year so; but the year which they denote is that B.c. 1,007, differing from the true year, which appears to have been demonstrated, exactly an entire cycle of 60 years." [As the cycle names of the days here afford ground for such important conclusions, in which Gaubil, I may state, was anticipated by Chang Yih-hing (the Buddhist priest mentioned on page 19), under the Tang dynasty, it becomes desirable to establish the genuineness of the par., remark that it only occurs in one of the controwhich may be hastily thrown aside with the verted Books. Now this we are able to do, so far as the year, month, and days are concerned, from 漢律歴志第一下 Ch. I. P. 1. THE TIME; PLACE; AND GEN- a passage in the #-T ERAL NATURE OF THE CHARGE. +being that referred to by Gaubil, and which is see on Bk. XII., p. 2. As to this effect: 康王十二年六月 至壬申一脚 it denotes the third day of the moon, we 戊辰朔三日庚午故畢命 are again enabled to bring the commonly re-刑日惟十有二年六月 ceived chronology to the test of calculation. do not know what to make of Here I will give the note of Gaubil, as on par.. We 2 of The Testamentary Charge: '-'It is agreed that the day here is the third day of the sixth moon of the calendar of Chow. Lew Hin and Pan Koo pretend that this was the year corresponding to B.c. 1,067, to which year they refer the twelfth year of king K‘ang; and here; but it is plain that Lew Hin had seen a copy of the Charge to Peih,' in this par. substantially the same with what we have in the text before us.] this chronology is followed in the 通鑑綱 王朝至于豐-朝步 In the year B.C. 1,067, the 16th of May was, indeed, the day 庚午 or the 7th of the cycle, but the 14th of May was not the first day of the moon which did not happen till several days after; and that year therefore was not the 12th of Kang's reign. Laying down the principle avowed by Pan Koo and Lew Hin about the third day of the moon, the cycle names in the text agree with the year B.C. 1,056. The 16th of May was the day of new moon in China; the 18th, the third day of the moon, was 庚午; see on Bk. III., p. 1. 宗周‚—see on Bk. XX., p. 1. We are to understand Haou. "The king went to Fung,' says Ts'ae, 'to give the charge in the temple of king Wăn, because the duke of Peih had been minister to him.' 成周,−this was what was called 'the lower capital,' and this month was the sixth in the calendar. The time had come to adopt of Chow, since during it the sun entered the a difft, method with the people of Yin from those sign of the Twins. From "The Announcement of Shaou," "The Announcement about Lo," and pursued by their former overseers, the duke of this Book, we see that the Chinese astronomers Chow and Keun-ch'in ;-as is explained below, 2 旣 王室式化厥 三和世變 訓 厥 左殷于王鳴 天武呼 于家 洛先下王殳 邑殷王惟用敷師 頑綏周克大惟 定 德文 II. The king spoke thus:-Oh! Grand-tutor, it was when king Wan and king Woo had diffused their great virtue through the empire that they were able to receive the appointment which Yin 3 had enjoyed. The duke of Chow acted as assistant to my royal predecessors, and tranquillized and established their empire. Cautiously did he deal with the refractory people of Yin, and removed them to the city of Lo, that they might be quietly near the royal house, and thus be transformed by its lessons. Six and thirty years have elapsed, the generation has been changed, and manners the last Book, we might translate this by Uncle and Tutor.' Lin Che-k'e, moreover, says that the duke of Peih was a son of king Wan, a younger brother of king Woo and the duke of Chow, view. Ching must certainly be included. Gaubil gives le roi, mon pere;' Medhurst erroneous ly, 'these former kings" 厥家 國家,‘their (or his) empire.' 毖殷至 厥訓,comp. Bk. XIV., pp. 18-21. 密 邇王室-comp.密通先王Pt. IV, Bk. V., Pt. in p. 9. The 王城 or 'imperial city' of Lo was the place where the nine vases' of the empire were deposited, and where it was intended that the emperor should give audience to all the princes. The people of Yin and an uncle of king Ching (文王之子, in Ching-chow and thecountry about might very well be said to be near the royal house.' The 武王周公之弟成王之叔 Daily Explanation' expands 式化厥訓 愛); but I do not know his authority for such | into 日間我周之仁聲善政日 a statement. Sze-ma Ts'een has given the names of Wan's ten sons by his queen Tae-sze,親我周之仁人君子由是潛 and this duke is not among them. I believe he was a scion of the House of Chow; but we may 消其悍暴之習而漸化于 take師 here in the same way as in Pt. 德義之訓 太師‧ If he had IV., Bk. XI., p. 1, as = ' 3. 惟周 公左右先王一the critics generally understand by all K‘ang's predecessors, -Wăn, Woo, and Ching. Lin Che-k'e contends with much force that the phrase should in this place be restricted to king Ching. It is hardly| necessary to depart from the more common 'there have elapsed-been gone through-three Ke, or periods of twelve years.' A period of twelve years was denominated a 紀 acc. to Ying-tă, because in that period the planet Jupiter completed a revolution in his orbit, and the cycle characters of the 地支 or ‘earthly branches,' had also run their round. We do not know exactly from what year we are to reckon these 36 years. If, as is commonly believed, the reign of Ching lasted 37 years, and we add 12 years of Kang's reign to them, we obtain four duodenary periods, and not three. Even 罔世小公罔不降寜虞風 祗 世正色率 物懋 懋攸 ○予移 德勸厥由道四 克○臧俗有人方 言下四勤惟民革升以 have altered. Through the four quarters of the empire there is no occasion for anxiety, and I, the one man, enjoy repose. 4 The prevailing ways now tend to advancement and now to degeneracy, and measures of government must be varied according to the manners of the time. If you do not manifest your approval of what is good, the people will not be led to stimulate themselves 5 in it. But your virtue, O duke, is strenuous, and you are cautiously attentive to small things. You have been helpful to and brightened four reigns, with deportment all-correct, leading on the inferior officers, so that there is not one who does not reverently take your words as a law. Your admirable merits were that of many in the if we reckon from the date of the Announce-|臧云云,the people, we are to suppose, ment about Lo,' we have more than 40 years. 世變 tion' answers to 世.Tsae says;一父子 P.4. Govt. must be varied according to the of them deserved to be acknowledged, and that were now in that state, that the good of many acknowledgement would act as the best stimulus to others. The paraphrase of the 'Daily 固多而不善者亦容 Explanation' is:-至于今日善者 多而不善者亦容或有 之務必寛嚴施典起其 為善者且懲治其為不善 者庶幾殷民有所畏慕益 臧善. In the 相勸而化耳 character of the people; the time was come for first case it is a verb; in the second, a noun in discriminative measures. 道有升降, –it would be hard to say how Gan-kwò under stood this clause. His comment on it is 天道有上下交接之義, which the concrete. 5. The great virtue of the duke of Peih. 克勤小物-小物 little things,'='small matters' (細行). By四世,‘four generations,' we are Ying-ta only makes more dark by his expansion to understand the reigns of Wăn, Woo, Ching, of it. I have followed Ts'ae who observes that and the existing reign of K'ang. Ying-ta 有升有降 ‘generous' ‘affluent,' refers to a passage in the 國語晉語 【good;' and 有降一有污,‘foul, cim- 四 (near the end), about king Wăn, how he pure;' and then illustrates this clause and the next by saying that, when the duke of Chow took詢於八處而次於二 charge of Ching-chow, the character of people, with their evil habits all-unchanged,而訪於辛尹重之以周召 rendered a firm and cautious dealing with them necessary. When Keun-chin took charge, the 畢,榮, which shows that in the 8th cent. people were considerably improved, and hence he was enjoined to be forbearing with them, B.C., it was the current belief that the duke of and promote harmonizing measures. 不正色率下, with correct countenance 6 樹里淑往以 以今日拱 日拱王嘉 之彰 哉周 風善表 公祗 聲癉 旌之 弗惡宅别事公 績 times of the former kings; I, the little child, have but to let my robes hang down, and fold my hands while I look up for the complete effect of your measures.' III. The king spoke, "Oh! Grand-tutor, I now reverently 7 charge you with the duties of the duke of Chow.-Go! Signalize the good, separating the bad from them; give tokens of your approbation to their neighbourhoods, distinguishing the good so as to make it ill for the evil, thus establishing the influence and reputation of their virtue. Where the people will not obey your lessons and statutes, leading on those below you.' But by we are to understand all the deportment. Lin Che-k'e refers, aptly enough, to the words of Confucius about the man in authority, Ana. king Kang could not but have a feeling of rev- XX, i, 2,一君子正其衣冠尊 of Chow and Keun-chin with them, that they 其瞻視儼然人望而畏之e marks of favour, while those who continn不亦威而不猛乎 祗師| ed obstinately bad should be made to feel that 言敬而師法公言 The 旌别 (low. 4th 師 is a verb, 'to imitate,' 'to take as a tone)至風聲,these clauses show how model.' 嘉精多于先王,this clause is in a measure opposed to the next.'Even under my predecessors your admirable merits have been many; how much more must I be indebted to you !’ -we must not understand 'the robes let 云一 they were marked. the good should be dealt with. is the name of a peculiar kind of flag, used among other purposes to mark out places or paths; as a verb here, it—our 'to signalize.' 旌别淑 予小子云 (=善)(一)旌善別惡, with the meaning in the translation. 表厥宅 -表異善人之居里 down and the hands folded' as expressive of idleness and indifference. The king figures himself in the ancestral temple, in his robes and attitudes of reverent ceremony, happy in the thought that he had so able a minister on whom he might entirely depend. Compare the same language in the conclusion of Bk. III., p. 10. ‘a signal,' 'to set up a signal;'—akin to 旌. 彰善癉惡−彰顯其善以 1. The two parts of the clause are connected as in the first clause. The king certainly is not sparing in his laud- | 樹之風聲with 樹之 comp. the ation of the minister. Ch. III. Pp. 6–11. SECOND PART OF THE CHARGE: THE SPECIAL DUTIES WHICH THE DUKE WAS TO DISCHARGE; THE DIFFICULTIES WITH WHICH HE WOULD HAVE TO CONTEND; AND THE METHOD BY WHICH HE MIGHT BE SUCCESSFUL. expression死之 Ana, XIV., xvi. The whole = 'planting-setting up for them, i.e., the good, their influence and reputation.' The Daily Explanation’gives for it-善者之風 6. 袛命‘reverently charge: 聲,使之卓然樹立 The charge being so great, being communicated|時傳于後世 in the temple of king Wăn, having respect to 弗率至畏 the completion of the work of the duke of Chow, these three clauses describe how the bad 8 風利異體貴康慎慕井率 未口商要有四固申疆訓 殄惟俗不恆海封畫俾典 公 賢靡惟辭○守郊克殊 餘糜好尙政以圻畏厥 mark off the boundaries of their hamlets, making them fear to do evil and desire to do good. Define anew the borders and frontiers, and be careful to strengthen the guardposts through the territory, in order to secure the tranquillity of the whole empire. "In measures of government to be consistent and constant, and in proclamations a combination of completeness and brevity, are valuable. There should not be the love of what is extraordinary. Among the customs of Shang was the flattery of superiors. Sharptonguedness was the sign of worth. The remains of these manners are not. yet obliterated. Do you, O duke, bear this in mind. 硃厥井疆=| Pp.8–11. The difficulties the duke would have should be dealt with. 殊別其井居疆界 井the wells,' about which their farms were distributed. It may be translated here by 'hamlets.' We see how the people-the peasantry-of Yin were to contend with; and how to contend with them. 8. 恆 is defined as the opposite of 暫 or 'what is brief.' 辭一辭合,‘proclama distributed over the country of which Ching-tions,' 'govt. orders.' 體要理完 chow might be considered the centre. 申言簡‘complete in principle, and compen 畫郊圻-Ts'ae says that 圻 and畿 the same; but the meaning of 界, given for are dious in expression' We may take 貴and 尙 靡靡 is taken as having as synonyms. the meaning of 隨順, ‘ready acquiescence," says:—' The city of Lo and the honoured capitali.e., of inferiors with their superiors. Ying-tă in the dict., answers very well. Wang Tsëaou of Chow were the two centres of the imperial domain. The honoured capital of Haou might be considered to have a square of 800 le, or 64 squares of 100 le each, attached to it; and Lǒ or Ching-chow to have a square of 600 le, or 36 squares of 100 le each. The extent from east south, but altogether there was as much as a square of 1,000 le. Thus the borders of Lŏ were also the borders of Haou' See the 集說 固封守,‘strengthen the places of shows that this was the meaning given to the phrase in the time of Confucius, by quoting the remarks of Han Ke (韓起), a states-韓 man of T'sin, contemporary with the sage : 宣子稱紂使師延作靡靡之 樂靡靡者相隨順之意口 have tried without success to verify this refer ence. Han K'e appears repeatedly in the 傳昭公, but I have not met with the ward within the boundaries over which you are remark attributed to him. Ying-tă has probably appointed’一封域之内高深險 阻已設守禦者益謹飭之 Wang Chung-yun observes that, while the separation of the good from the bad was calcu lated to have a beneficial moral effect upon the people, these latter measures were a safeguard against any attempts at insurrection. 3d confounded 韓宣子 with the scholar 韓 tonguedness of the times of Yin is indicated in |